scholarly journals State Responsibility and Differential Inclusion: Addressing Honor-Based Violence in the Netherlands and Germany

2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 187-211
Author(s):  
Gökçe Yurdakul ◽  
Anna C Korteweg

Abstract From 2004, the Dutch parliament developed a comprehensive response to honor-based violence, initially in consultation with immigrant and nonimmigrant political actors, while German politicians used honor-based violence to justify the restriction of immigrants from membership, portraying them as problematic subjects. More recently, the influence of immigrant actors on Dutch policy has waned, while in Germany policy continues to develop haphazardly with generally limited support for gendered violence services. Analyzing media and policy debates, we turn to the concepts of state responsibility and differential inclusion to show how actors engaged with these policies intersectionally produce national membership along gendered and racialized lines.

2021 ◽  
pp. 175063522110647
Author(s):  
Aiden Hoyle ◽  
Helma van den Berg ◽  
Bertjan Doosje ◽  
Martijn Kitzen

Hostile political actors can use antagonistic strategic narration as a means of marring the image of targeted states in the international arena. The current article presents a content analysis of narratives about the Netherlands that were published by Russian state-sponsored media outlet RT between 2018 and 2020, capturing a period of heightened tension between the states. The authors distil and describe six overarching narratives used to portray the Netherlands as a state of liberal chaos. They analyse them using a framework of strategies underpinning Russian state-sponsored media’s narration, and interpret their strategic functions within the context of recent Dutch–Russian relations. Finally, they provide directions for future research, such as expanding on nuances within Russian media’s negative portrayals of different states or exploring the possible psychological responses this narration may elicit in the Dutch domestic audience.


Author(s):  
Ronald Batenburg ◽  
Johan Versendaal ◽  
Elly Breedveld

There is a growing belief that IT can improve public management in general. The Dutch policy and services with regard to the elderly are no exception. Obviously, IT opportunities in the healthcare domain play a central role in this, since the main objective of policies is to sustain the independent functioning of the elderly in everyday social life. In this research four IT opportunities for elderly policy in The Netherlands are explored through discussion meetings with elderly, and consultation of experts in the field of elderly policy and services. The IT opportunities are designed to align the different levels of motivation and skills of elderly to use IT. Four IT pilot projects are defined, which take into account the costs and benefits of these opportunities to improve the elderly policy chain in The Netherlands.


Itinerario ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 59-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosemarijn Hoefte

Dutch colonialism has traditionally focused on the East Indies, rather than the West Indies. Thus when Queen Wilhelmina, while in exile in London, declared in 1942 that the colonies should become autonomous with the words ‘relying on one's own strength, with the will to support each other,’ she was thinking of the East and not so much about Suriname and the Netherlands Antilles. Yet as it turned out, all constitutional plans, culminating into the Statuut or Charter of the Kingdom of 1954, even though conceived and drafted with the East in mind, was ultimately only applied to the West. The Netherlands East Indies, occupied by Japan during World War II, opted for independence after the War. The Hague did not accept this step and waged both hot and cold wars to fight against Indonesia's independence. This, for the Netherlands traumatic, experience left its traces in Dutch policy regarding its Caribbean territories.


2017 ◽  
Vol 20 (5) ◽  
pp. 1910-1930 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sebastian Stier ◽  
Wolf J Schünemann ◽  
Stefan Steiger

There is an ongoing academic debate whether social media empowers activists and advocacy groups in relation to established political actors and media gatekeepers. This article investigates these premises by analysing the influence of various actors in two policy debates on Twitter, environmental policy (climate change) and Internet governance (net neutrality). We extract tweets on both topics and code the respective 500 most central accounts according to a categorisation of relevant political actor groups. Applying methods from social network analysis, we reveal temporally fluctuating actor constellations and network structures which converge to elite actors during high attention periods. Furthermore, a comparative keyword analysis shows that non-governmental organisations and citizen media emphasise personalised connective action frames, whereas political actors and traditional media tend to refer to the political decision-making process and its institutions. Both findings are in line with cyclical conceptions of policy processes.


Author(s):  
Sergei A. Samoilenko ◽  
Andrey Miroshnichenko

This chapter contributes to scholarship in the fields of media ecology and political communication by investigating the effects of the Trump bump in media-driven democracy. Specifically, it explains how the media's obsession with Donald Trump allowed them to capitalize on his political brand, which in turn contributed to changing the tone of political discourse in the United States. The effects of mediatization, including click-bait framing, increased negativity, and person-centered media coverage, had a distinct impact on the behavior of political actors and the political system as a whole. The dominance of marketing logic in contemporary media democracies provides a compelling argument for critical investigation of brand appropriation in political communication and its impact on the state of democracy. This chapter advocates for the further investigation of the current media ecosystem in order to move toward a public deliberation model that would support enhanced media literacy and citizen engagement in public policy debates.


elni Review ◽  
2013 ◽  
pp. 44-50
Author(s):  
Lorenzo Squintani

Directive 2008/98/EC, recasting inter alia Directive 2006/12/EC, sets minimum requirements in the field of waste management. This means that the Member States have the competence to take measures, which achieve a higher level of environmental protection than that required by the Union legislator, so-called gold-plating. For some years, European citizens are assisting to a pan-European discussion on gold-plating. In the context of the Better Regulation agenda, EU institutions consider gold-plating a constraint to good regulation. The United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Belgium, Germany and Austria increasingly refrain from gold-plating. In the United Kingdom and in the Netherlands, gold-plating is regulated by centralised official policies aiming at fostering economic growth. Despite the relevance that these policies might have for the implementation of Union environmental law and, even more importantly, for the functioning of the system for the protection of the environment as shaped in the Treaties, there is still a lack of empirical data on the manner in which these policies apply in practice. This article represents a first attempt to fill-in this lacuna, by focusing on the transposition of Directive 2008/98/EC in the Netherlands. In this contribution, certain provisions of Directive 2008/98/EC are analysed in order to establish whether alleged cases of gold-plating were eliminated and whether new cases of gold-plating were introduced. This analysis provides useful information for understanding the functioning of the Dutch policy on gold-plating. First, however, it is necessary to explain what gold-plating means and what the Dutch policy on gold-plating entails.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Agneta Fischer ◽  
Charlotte Brands ◽  
David Abadi

When it comes to political communication on social media, Facebook has arisen as one of the most important platforms. Recent research on populist discourses provides evidence for populist ideology fragments emerging across Facebook posts. Moreover, the level of populist language styles and the adoption of typical populist rhetoric appears to be ‘endemic' across political actors across the whole political spectrum, even among non-populist ones. In total, 51 posts from Geert Wilders were analyzed before and 71 in the period after the 2019 Dutch elections (N = 122). This study tackles the use of the founding elements of populist communication strategies: references to the people, references to the elites, and references to the others. For a populist leader, Wilders’ Facebook posts do not contain many references to the people. Instead, he focuses on the elites (e.g., the EU) and on the others (e.g., Muslims or asylum seekers). The clearest difference between the pre- and post-election period seems to be that Wilders gradually changes his populist communication strategies from a focus on the elites, to a focus on the others. In doing so, he uses more references to religion and blaming the others. He also refers more to people within the country (asylum seekers and immigrants) in the post-election period (36,6%) than in the pre-election period (23,5%). His posts show clear examples of populist nativism, while he paints a picture of a battle between the Netherlands and the EU (the elites), Muslims or asylum seekers (the others).


Author(s):  
Yseult Marique

This chapter discusses the impact on Belgian administrative law of the pan-European principles of good administration from the Council of Europe (CoE). Although the Belgian legal order is rather receptive to European law the specific direct impact of the CoE on good administration is limited, with the exception of the constitutional provision enacting administrative transparency. This situation is due to three factors. First, Belgian administrative law first and foremost borrows concepts from its neighbours, France and the Netherlands. Secondly, the CoE´s influence is most often mediated by technical devices, such as the constitutional provisions relating to equality. Finally, some principles of good administration, such as linguistic rights, are politically sensitive, which highlights the formal limitation of the CoE’s influence on Belgian principles of good administration. Overall, the CoE acts as a ‘high magistrature’ influencing administrative, legislative and political actors, as long as these broadly agree with the CoE’s principles.


1998 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 350-373 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dirk Jacobs

This article contains the results of research concerning parliamentary debate about voting rights for foreign residents in the Netherlands (1970–1996) using a discourse analytical framework. Due to the characteristics of the Dutch political field, a large majority of the political actors has to be willing and able to combine political interests and ideological narratives into one story line propagating franchise for foreign residents in order to grant voting rights to nonnationals. It is claimed that the success and failure of policy changes regarding the political participation of nonnationals is foremost determined by the extent of the discursive affinity of argumentative clusters used by parties of the “center-right” with the (leftist) discourse which propagates enfranchisement.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document