Discourse, Politics and Policy: The Dutch Parliamentary Debate about Voting Rights for Foreign Residents

1998 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 350-373 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dirk Jacobs

This article contains the results of research concerning parliamentary debate about voting rights for foreign residents in the Netherlands (1970–1996) using a discourse analytical framework. Due to the characteristics of the Dutch political field, a large majority of the political actors has to be willing and able to combine political interests and ideological narratives into one story line propagating franchise for foreign residents in order to grant voting rights to nonnationals. It is claimed that the success and failure of policy changes regarding the political participation of nonnationals is foremost determined by the extent of the discursive affinity of argumentative clusters used by parties of the “center-right” with the (leftist) discourse which propagates enfranchisement.

Author(s):  
Gema Rubio-Carbonero ◽  
Núria Franco-Guillén

Abstract On the 1st October 2017 an independence referendum was organised in Catalonia. The aim of this paper is to analyse the nature of the political debate going on in the Catalan Parliament during the whole process by focusing on the kind of argumentation strategies that were used by each of the leanings to legitimise their political decisions. We do that relying on a methodological distinction that differentiates between sound argumentation and fallacious argumentation. By using a Critical Discourse Analysis approach, this study offers a wide picture of the kind of argumentation used by the main political actors involved in the process of decision making in Catalonia. The results show that there is more emphasis in antagonising with the others, than engaging in sound argument exchange that could facilitate minimal points of consensus. Such results may help explain why the Catalan conflict is still unsolved at the political level.


2014 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 327-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
Riccardo Ciavolella

This article retraces the parallel and contrasting developments of state formation and of citizenship in Mauritania, recasting the reflection on postcolonial and anthropological debates on citizenship and state and civil society. In this perspective, cultural, ethnic and even “racial” differences – such as the Arabs/Africans or White/Black peoples dichotomies – have alternatively been considered as a social resource for consolidating a postcolonial nation or a threat to social harmony and to political development. The article deconstructs both of these positions in order to show their common features in their tendency to reduce state and civil society relationships to a matter of “horizontal” interactions between social groups. The hypothesis is that these visions have historically played a depoliticizing role, hiding the “vertical” dimension of relationships between hegemonic governing elites and social groups that are economically and socially fragmented, hierarchized, and even discriminated against. The article proceeds in three steps. First, it shows the way in which issues of identity are highly sensitive in contemporary Mauritania, relying particularly on a recent case of ethnic discrimination during a census campaign. It then retraces the evolution of political and intellectual debates on identities in Mauritanian society, putting them in perspective with the evolution of political power or of the political interests and views of social and political actors. Finally, it relies on historical and ethnographic records about a particular social group (a pastoral Fulani lineage), which does not fit into usual ethnic categories and dichotomies, and by that ultimately shows the political value of discourses on identity.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charlotte Dolez

This article investigates how citizens speak about representative democracy and questions their perceptions of representation and of the democratic regime they live in, by mobilizing the distinction between diffuse and specific support, in a context of personalized politics. It shows that political actors and their performances are at the core of citizens' perceptions. I investigate citizens' representations of the political field through an original qualitative fieldwork, composed of couple interviews with French citizens, under the Sarkozy presidency. Studies about the political support of citizens often mobilize quantitative surveys to measure the degree of support and satisfaction. I rather choose the qualitative approach to grasp perceptions of political field through discussions about political and societal issues. Couple interviews offer an adequate framework to observe political opinions that are built in daily life. Representations of the political field are mainly dominated by the role of political actors. Political parties and institutions are rarely mentioned. Politicians are systematically held accountable, and are often criticized in citizens' discussions. The existing literature has often distinguished specific and diffuse support. My analysis tends to show that the weakness of the former through personalization can undermine the support for the regime. However, alternatives to representative democracy remain underexplored and even not considered. Overall, these representations depend on sociopolitical factors, such as political convictions or social backgrounds.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-79
Author(s):  
Zuli Kasmawanto ◽  
Santi Nurjannah

Elections in Indonesia cannot be separated from voters with disabilities. Not all humans are created perfectly. Some of our brothers and sisters have to live with various deficiencies, one of which is a person with a disability (diffable / different ability). In reality, people with disabilities remain the most vulnerable group in society. One of the difficulties faced in the political field is the implementation of general elections in using their voting rights. The Lamongan KPUD needs to implement the right strategy in an effort to increase the participation of voters with disabilities. This research uses descriptive qualitative research methods. Qualitative research itself is research that as a whole makes use of interpretive methods by presenting in the form of descriptions. The results of the research obtained are that the Lamongan KPU as the election organizer has implemented a strategy to increase the participation of voters with disabilities by providing socialization and simulations regarding general elections, involving persons with disabilities by conducting a Democratic Volunteer Recrumem, some of whom are persons with disabilities.


Aldaba ◽  
2017 ◽  
pp. 33
Author(s):  
Jesús A. García Ayala

El rechazo por el Congreso de los Diputados a la toma en consideración de la proposición de ley presentada por la Asamblea de la ciudad de Melilla, para la extensión y ampliación de las bonificaciones en determinadas cuotas de la Seguridad Social, puede haber trasladado el debate a la sociedad civil. A los actores políticos se sumarían ahora las centrales sindicales y organizaciones empresariales. La reflexión a realizar entre todos se ve dificultada por una de las carencias puestas de manifiesto: la de datos objetivos y fiables sobre Melilla que permitan evaluar los resultados de las bonificaciones vigentes. Por ello se hacen necesarios varios objetivos: el inicial es aportar datos válidos para la citada evaluación, el intermedio es que el tratamiento de los datos obtenidos permita la obtención de resultados representativos, y el final es la extracción de conclusiones y recomendaciones válidas. Las conclusiones, asociadas a hechos objetivos tratados en el curso del trabajo, tratan de anticipar, en lo posible, las consecuencias que se seguirían en el supuesto de que las bonificaciones fueran extendidas y ampliadas, siguiendo la senda de convergencia deducible del debate parlamentario. Finalmente se aportan unas determinadas consideraciones, cuyo carácter subjetivo no puede descartarse en tanto están asociadas a la opinión personal del autor.The rejection by the Congress of the Deputies to the taking in consideration of the proposal of law, presented by the Assembly of the City of Melilla, for the extension and increase of the subsidies in certain contributions to Social Security, can have transferred the debate to the civil society. To the political actors, the unions and enterprise organizations would be added now. The reflection to make between everybody is made difficult by one of the shown deficiencies: the one of objective and trustworthy data on Melilla that allows to evaluate the results of the effective subsidies. For that reason several targets become necessary: the initial one is to contribute valid data for the mentioned evaluation; the intermediate one is that the treatment of the collected data allows the obtaining of representative results; and the next one is the extraction of valid conclusions and recommendations. The conclusions, associated to objective facts treated in the course of the work, try to anticipate, as far as possible, the consequences that would be followed supposing that the subsidies were extended and increased, following the footpath of deductible convergence of the parliamentary debate. Finally certain considerations are contributed, whose subjective character cannot discard in as much are associate to the personal opinion of the author.


Author(s):  
Katima Poungchingngam

The author studies such aspects of the topic as political cooperation between Thailand and Russia from 2014 till present. The concepts of national interests, the balance of power and neoliberalism are used as the analytical framework of the study. The current bilateral cooperation has positive dynamics in the political field which is demonstrated by the visits of the heads of government since 2015. These visits have led to the development of cooperation for the both countries in all aspects and dimensions. However, the political leverage hasn’t achieved the optimum level, and the cooperation between the two states faces particular problems. The author outlines some of them: first of all, political instability in Thailand affects cooperation. Several transformations in the government of Thailand, which had taken place from 2006 till 2014, as well as domestic problems caused by the coup, have affected the foreign policy of the country. The author arrives at the conclusion that the main factors, influencing Thailand-Russia relations, are the political and diplomatic mechanisms. High-level visits and bilateral discussions help deepen and strengthen the connections between the two states. Nevertheless, these relations will not progress if Thailand fails to solve its domestic problems.   


Author(s):  
Ruhadi Ruhadi ◽  
Giri Harto Wiratomo

<p><em>The development of a negative stigma against politics today is a reality that occurs in the mindset of society. This is caused by various factors including the thoughts, attitudes, and behavior of political actors. One of them is a politician. The thoughts, attitudes, and behavior of politicians have a significant role in shaping the image of politics in the eyes of society. Currently, there is a lot of negative stigma about politics. There are two theories in politics, namely moral based theories and political theories that ignore the moral conflict between these two theories and there is a tug of war in the current political field in politicians so that two problems are related to the background of the basic thought structure of politicians who are driven to practice praxis. negative politics and efforts to form a political thought structure that is in line with the "Political Value" of the Indonesian nation are interesting issues to study. The method used in this paper is a qualitative approach with the literary study method, based approach, it can be seen that the theories currently developing are political theories that ignore the moral basis and requirements with pragmatism in politics so that it requires the strengthening and construction of the Pancasila political building which is prerequisite. with immorality to displace political theories that are far from moral bases and to eradicate various immoral behavior of politicians today.</em></p>


2008 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 211-234 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin Smith

This article argues that, in contrast with prevalent choice-theoretic accounts of institutional origins in new democracies, the passage of Indonesia's regional autonomy laws in 1999 took place despite the interests of powerful political actors rather than because of them. Lacking the past experience to calculate retrospectively the likely electoral payoff from supporting an effort to devolve political power to Indonesia's city and regency governments, New Order–era political elites in Jakarta gambled on the advice of a team of experts. The experts assured them that supporting the effort would give them strong and salient reformist credentials on the eve of free elections. The conclusion of the article suggests that the political origins of regional autonomy in Indonesia have broad implications for the understanding of institutional genesis in new democracies, and that the potential impact of expert advisers is a fruitful focus of future research.


Author(s):  
Andrey Vladimirovich Baranov

The author of the paper finds out the manifestations of the geopolitical competition of world political actors (the United States, NATO, the European Un-ion) for influence on Serbia in 2008–2020. The study focuses on the political interests of these actors and strategies for their implementation. Serbia is strate-gically important for Western countries as the miss-ing link for full control over the Balkans and isola-tion of Russia. Turkey, which is pursuing a neo-Ottoman course, is interested in restoring its control over the Balkans, which is being hindered by Serbia. Ethnopolitical and confessional conflicts in Kosovo, Bosnia and Herzegovina are used by the United States, NATO, and the European Union to increase pressure on the Serbian leadership. Serbia’s geopo-litical orientations remain inconsistent, reflecting attempts to maneuver between competing world players. The possibilities for such a policy are steadily shrinking, leaving Serbia with a geopolitical choice to make.


1999 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 521-549 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nancy R. Powers

AbstractThe political impact of difficult economic conditions in the democracies of the developing world depends in part on how people at the grass roots evaluate their political interests. This article argues that understanding the political interests of lower-income persons requires two separate analyses: how people think about their material conditions, which is affected by the type of material hardships and the objective capacity to cope with those conditions; and how people think about politics, given party and class identities and economic, historic and political contexts. Using in-depth interviews in Argentina, the research develops an analytical framework through which to evaluate the conditions under which people would, and would not, support a government that does not alleviate their economic difficulties. The analysis is used to examine recent events in Argentina and is applied to other cases.


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