scholarly journals Comparative analysis of principal components can be misleading

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Josef C Uyeda ◽  
Daniel S. Caetano ◽  
Matthew W Pennell

Quantitative geneticists long ago recognized the value of studying evolution in a multivariate framework (Pearson, 1903). Due to linkage, pleiotropy, coordinated selection and mutational covariance, the evolutionary response in any phenotypic trait can only be properly understood in the context of other traits (Lande, 1979; Lynch and Walsh, 1998). This is of course also well-appreciated by comparative biologists. However, unlike in quantitative genetics, most of the statistical and conceptual tools for analyzing phylogenetic comparative data (recently reviewed in Pennell and Harmon, 2013) are designed for analyzing a single trait (but see, for example Revell and Harmon, 2008; Revell and Harrison, 2008; Hohenlohe and Arnold, 2008; Revell and Collar, 2009; Schmitz and Motani, 2011; Adams, 2014b). Indeed, even classical approaches for testing for correlated evolution between two traits (e.g., Felsenstein, 1985; Grafen, 1989; Harvey and Pagel, 1991) are not actually multivariate as each trait is assumed to have evolved under a process that is independent of the state of the other (Hansen and Orzack, 2005; Hansen and Bartoszek, 2012). As a result of these limitations, researchers with multivariate datasets are often faced with a choice: analyze each trait as if they were independent or else decompose the dataset into statistically independent set of traits, such that each set can be analyzed with the univariate methods.

Author(s):  
Ian Cummins ◽  
Emilio José Gómez-Ciriano

AbstractThis paper presents a comparative analysis of two reports by the UN Rapporteur on Extreme Poverty and Human Rights, one for Spain and one for the UK. In both countries, austerity policies were introduced following the banking crisis of 2008. The UN Rapporteur reports highlight the damage that was done by welfare retrenchment. In particular, the reports document the impact of austerity on the most vulnerable individuals and communities. The paper uses Somers' (2008) conceptual model of citizenship as the basis for a comparative analysis of two reports. Somers' (2008) model of citizenship is a triadic one which sees the state, market and civil society as competing elements. Each one can serve to regulate and limit the influence or excesses of the other two. Somers argues that neoliberalism has seen the dominance of the market at the expense of the role of the state and the institutions of civil society. Austerity policies saw the market dominating. Having examined the context of the two reports and their conclusions, the paper discussed the implications for individual social workers’ practice and the role of social work as a profession in tackling poverty and marginalisation.


2000 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 122-126
Author(s):  
Allen McDuffee

Despite the instability usually attributed to the Middle East, today one finds anunusual level of stability in eight of its monarchies. When mosl countries of theworld are converting to some form of "democracy," what has led this type ofstate system to such stability? In his book, All in the Family, Michael Herb,Assistant Professor of Political Science at Georgia State University, providesthe most thought-provoking work on Middle Eastern monarchies since rentierstate theory became fashionable. Herb determines that "there are two distinctforms of monarchism in the Middle East. One is resilient and the other is not''(p. 235). His basic thesis is that the key to the survival, persistence, andresilience of monarchies in the Middle East is the willingness and ability of theruling families to saturate the most important positions in the state apparatus.He terms this "dynastic monarchism"-the idea that "the ruling family formsitself into a ruling institution, monopolizing the key offices of the state" (p.235). In the unsuccessful type of monarchy, the king "maneuvers among variousforces-the army, the parliament, and the parties-and when he loses balancethe monarchy falls" (p. 235). Case studies are used to illustrate bothmonarchical models: dynastic (Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, United ArabEmirates, Bahrain, and Oman) and nondynastic (Libya, Egypt, Iraq, Iran.Morocco, Jordan, and Afghanistan - usually excluded from studies on theMiddle East). This book relies on comparative analysis and is based not onlyon archival research, but also on interviews and secondary sources.In the second and third chapters, "The Emergence of Dynastic Monarchy andthe Causes of Its Persistence" and "Arabian Society and the Emergence of thePetro-State," respectively, the reader gets a sense of the rise of the petro-stateand how it enabled dynastic monarchies to emerge. He asserts that theyemerged because the ruler's relatives "had powerful bargaining resourceswhich they could use to help rulers stay in power, to aid aspiring rulers inachieving power, or to attack and depose sitting rulers" (p. 22). Tims, the emergenceof the petro-state added another dimension in intrafamily negotiations.Dynasties consolidate power by limiting the status of any individual or clique.Coalitions are built by the rulers through distribution of government positionsto relatives as a means of assuring their cooperation. Dynasties are strengthenedby forming consensus on the issue of succession rather than depending onprimogeniture. As a result, a ruler is held accountable to his family who ...


Author(s):  
Tatiana Podolskaya ◽  
Ekaterina Medyakova ◽  
Nina Kolesnikova

In this chapter the authors consider the impact of migration processes on the state of their home country's security. The other actual direction of this research is to identify the dependence of the country's economic security on the intensity of migration regulation. The complexity of assessing global trends in migration policy leads to the need for a comparative analysis of the conditions for their implementation in the context of world labor migration centers. The chapter analyzes the main tools of migration policy, the study of which made it possible to summarize and identify measurable indicators of the impact of migration processes on the state of economic security. The complex of designated challenges and threats to the economic security of the state will allow to form an overall picture of the current state of the object and a qualitative medium-term forecast.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-179
Author(s):  
Ridwan Arifin ◽  
Rodiyah Rodiyah ◽  
Fitria Puspita

This article seeks to discusses anti-corruption policies in Indonesia and Hong Kong. This research arises from the phenomenon of corruption that has become widespread in Indonesia and seems to be a never-endingproblem that has caused great damage in all sectors of life. It's not only a matter of how much the state loss or corrupt modus operandi that is even more sophisticated and even makes Indonesia one of the highest-rankingcountries in corruption cases, but it is also a matter of law enforcement whihch is less smart in handling corruption cases themselves. On the other hand, reportedly having a different approach in combating corruption, Hong Kong is considered to have been successful in carrying out its duties. With comparative study, this article will elaborate various patterns of work conducted by anti-corruption institutions in Indonesia and Hong Kong, namely the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) and the Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC).


2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 118-135
Author(s):  
Lucia Della Torre

Not very long ago, scholars saw it fit to name a new and quite widespread phenomenon they had observed developing over the years as the “judicialization” of politics, meaning by it the expanding control of the judiciary at the expenses of the other powers of the State. Things seem yet to have begun to change, especially in Migration Law. Generally quite a marginal branch of the State's corpus iuris, this latter has already lent itself to different forms of experimentations which then, spilling over into other legislative disciplines, end up by becoming the new general rule. The new interaction between the judiciary and the executive in this specific field as it is unfolding in such countries as the UK and Switzerland may prove to be yet another example of these dynamics.


2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sipho Stephen Nkosi

The note is about the appeal lodged by the late Mrs Winnie Madikizela-Mandela to the SCA against the decision of the Eastern Cape High Court, Mthatha, dismissing her application for review in 2014. In that application, she sought to have reviewed the decision of the Minister of Land Affairs, to transfer the now extended and renovated Qunu property to Mr Mandela and to register it in his name. Because her application was out of time, she also applied for condonation of her delay in making the application. The court a quo dismissed both applications with costs, holding that there had been an undue delay on her part. Mrs Mandela then approached the Supreme Court of Appeal, for special leave to appeal the decision of the court a quo. Two questions fell for decision by the SCA: whether there was an unreasonable and undue delay on Mrs Mandela’s part in instituting review proceedings; and whether the order for costs was appropriate in the circumstances of the case. The SCA held that there was indeed an unreasonable delay (of seventeen years). Shongwe AP (with Swain, Mathopo JJA, Mokgothloa and Rodgers AJJA concurring) held that the fact that there had been an undue delay does not necessarily mean that an order for costs should, of necessity, particularly where, as in this case, the other litigant is the state. It is the writer’s view that two other ancillary points needed to be raised by counsel and pronounced on by the Court: (a) the lawfulness and regularity of the transfer of the Qunu property to Mr Mandela; and (b) Mrs Mandela’s status as a customary-law widow—in relation to Mr Mandela.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 90
Author(s):  
Dian Septiandani ◽  
Abd. Shomad

Zakat is one of principal worship requiring every individual (<em>mukallaf</em>) with considerable property to spend some of the wealth for zakat under several conditions applied within. On the other hand, tax is an obligation assigned to taxpayers and should be deposited into the state based on policies applied, with no direct return as reward, for financing the national general expense. In their development, both zakat and tax had quite attention from Islamic economic thought. Nevertheless, we, at first, wanted to identify the principles of zakat and tax at the time of Rasulullah SAW. Therefore, this study referred to normative research. The primary data was collected through library/document research and the secondary one was collected through literature review by inventorying and collecting textbooks and other documents related to the studied issue.


Author(s):  
Anatolii Petrovich Mykolaiets

It is noted that from the standpoint of sociology, “management — a function of organized systems of various nature — (technical, biological, social), which ensures the preservation of their structure, maintaining a certain state or transfer to another state, in accordance with the objective laws of the existence of this system, which implemented by a program or deliberately set aside”. Management is carried out through the influence of one subsystem-controlling, on the other-controlled, on the processes taking place in it with the help of information signals or administrative actions. It is proved that self-government allows all members of society or a separate association to fully express their will and interests, overcome alienation, effectively combat bureaucracy, and promote public self-realization of the individual. At the same time, wide direct participation in the management of insufficiently competent participants who are not responsible for their decisions, contradicts the social division of labor, reduces the effectiveness of management, complicates the rationalization of production. This can lead to the dominance of short-term interests over promising interests. Therefore, it is always important for society to find the optimal measure of a combination of self-management and professional management. It is determined that social representation acts, on the one hand, as the most important intermediary between the state and the population, the protection of social interests in a politically heterogeneous environment. On the other hand, it ensures the operation of a mechanism for correcting the political system, which makes it possible to correct previously adopted decisions in a legitimate way, without resorting to violence. It is proved that the system of social representation influences the most important political relations, promotes social integration, that is, the inclusion of various social groups and public associations in the political system. It is proposed to use the term “self-government” in relation to several levels of people’s association: the whole community — public self-government or self-government of the people, to individual regions or communities — local, to production management — production self-government. Traditionally, self-government is seen as an alternative to public administration. Ideology and practice of selfgovernment originate from the primitive, communal-tribal democracy. It is established that, in practice, centralization has become a “natural form of government”. In its pure form, centralization does not recognize the autonomy of places and even local life. It is characteristic of authoritarian regimes, but it is also widely used by democratic regimes, where they believe that political freedoms should be fixed only at the national level. It is determined that since the state has achieved certain sizes, it is impossible to abandon the admission of the existence of local authorities. Thus, deconcentration appears as one of the forms of centralization and as a cure for the excesses of the latter. Deconcentration assumes the presence of local bodies, which depend on the government functionally and in the order of subordination of their officials. The dependency of officials means that the leadership of local authorities is appointed by the central government and may be displaced.


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