scholarly journals Reparations for Black American Descendants of Persons Enslaved in the U.S. and Their Estimated Impact on SARS-CoV-2 Transmission

Author(s):  
Eugene T. Richardson ◽  
Momin M. Malik ◽  
William A. Darity ◽  
A. Kirsten Mullen ◽  
Maya Malik ◽  
...  

AbstractBackgroundIn the United States, Black Americans are suffering from significantly disproportionate incidence and mortality rates of COVID-19. The potential for racial-justice interventions, including reparations payments, to ameliorate these disparities has not been adequately explored.MethodsWe compared the COVID-19 time-varying Rt curves of relatively disparate polities in terms of social equity (South Korea vs. Louisiana). Next, we considered a range of reproductive ratios to back-calculate the transmission rates βi→j for 4 cells of the simplified next-generation matrix (from which R0 is calculated for structured models) for the outbreak in Louisiana. Lastly, we modeled the effect that monetary payments as reparations for Black American descendants of persons enslaved in the U.S. would have had on pre-intervention βi→j.ResultsOnce their respective epidemics begin to propagate, Louisiana displays Rt values with an absolute difference of 1.3 to 2.5 compared to South Korea. It also takes Louisiana more than twice as long to bring Rt below 1. We estimate that increased equity in transmission consistent with the benefits of a successful reparations program (reflected in the ratio βb→b / βw→w) could reduce R0 by 31 to 68%.DiscussionWhile there are compelling moral and historical arguments for racial injustice interventions such as reparations, our study describes potential health benefits in the form of reduced SARS-CoV-2 transmission risk. As we demonstrate, a restitutive program targeted towards Black individuals would not only decrease COVID-19 risk for recipients of the wealth redistribution; the mitigating effects would be distributed across racial groups, benefitting the population at large.FundingETR and LW are supported by NIGMS MIDAS grant R01 GM130900. ETR is also supported by NIAID K08 AI139361. WAD is supported by NIMHD R01 MD011606, NSF SES 1851845, and IES R305A190484. MMM is supported by the Ethics and Governance of Artificial Intelligence Fund.

Author(s):  
Hideko Sera ◽  
Andrew F. Wall

Racial justice dialogues in many U.S. higher education spaces have primarily stemmed from a desire to educate the uninformed. Many institutions have failed to attend to their students, faculty, and staff of color while focusing on providing “safe” places for the uninformed. Such efforts seem to have led to an extreme complacency of those who need to change the most to become disillusioned that they have done more than enough to contribute to race dialogues on campus. In the current sociopolitical climate in the United States, the U.S. higher education is facing unprecedented pressure to attend to the fundamental tension between those two worlds. In the Japanese language, ichigo-ichie (一期一会) is a famous saying that embodies the spirit of 'here and now'. Translated as “one time, one meeting,” it symbolizes the critical importance of how one encounter could lead to transformational changes. Contrary to the noble concept of 'trying again' many times before succeeding, ichigo-ichie poses this question: What if all we have is one time, one encounter, and one chance to get it right?


2020 ◽  
Vol 99 (12) ◽  
pp. 1341-1347
Author(s):  
F. Bof de Andrade ◽  
J.L.F. Antunes ◽  
F.C.D. Andrade ◽  
M.F.F. Lima-Costa ◽  
J. Macinko

This study aimed to measure the magnitude of education-related inequalities in the use of dental services among older adults (aged 50 y or older) from a sizable multicountry sample of 23 upper-middle- and high-income countries. This study used cross-sectional data from nationally representative surveys of people aged 50 y and over. Countries included in the Health and Retirement Study surveys were the following: Brazil, China, South Korea, Mexico, United States, Austria, Belgium, Croatia, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Israel, Luxembourg, Poland, Portugal, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, and Switzerland. The dependent variable was the use of dental services, based on the self-report of having had a dental visit within the previous year, except for the United States and South Korea, which used 2-y recall periods. Educational level was used as the measure of socioeconomic position and was standardized across countries. Multivariate logistic regression modeling was used to evaluate the factors associated with the use of dental services, and the magnitude of education inequalities in the use of dental services was assessed using the slope index of inequality (SII) to measure absolute inequalities and the relative index of inequality for relative inequalities. The pooled prevalence of the use of dental services was 31.7% and ranged from 18.7% in China to 81.2% in Sweden. In the overall sample, the absolute difference in the prevalence of use between the lowest and highest educational groups was 20 percentage points. SII was significant for all countries except Portugal. Relative educational inequalities were significant for all countries and ranged from 3.2 in Poland to 1.2 in Sweden. There were significant education-related inequalities in the use of dental care by older adults in all countries. Monitoring these inequalities is critical to the planning and delivery of dental services.


Author(s):  
Jon Zelner ◽  
Rob Trangucci ◽  
Ramya Naraharisetti ◽  
Alex Cao ◽  
Ryan Malosh ◽  
...  

Background. As of August 5, 2020, there were more than 4.8M confirmed and probable cases and 159K deaths attributable to SARS-CoV-2 in the United States, with these numbers undoubtedly reflecting a significant underestimate of the true toll. Geographic, racial-ethnic, age and socioeconomic disparities in exposure and mortality are key features of the first and second wave of the U.S. COVID-19 epidemic. Methods. We used individual-level COVID-19 incidence and mortality data from the U.S. state of Michigan to estimate age-specific incidence and mortality rates by race/ethnic group. Data were analyzed using hierarchical Bayesian regression models, and model results were validated using posterior predictive checks. Findings. In crude and age-standardized analyses we found rates of incidence and mortality more than twice as high than Whites for all groups other than Native Americans. Of these, Blacks experienced the greatest burden of confirmed and probable COVID-19 infection (Age- standardized incidence = 1,644/100,000 population) and mortality (age-standardized mortality rate 251/100,000). These rates reflect large disparities, as Blacks experienced age-standardized incidence and mortality rates 5.6 (95% CI = 5.5, 5.7) and 6.9 (6.5, 7.3) times higher than Whites, respectively. We also found that the bulk of the disparity in mortality between Blacks and Whites is driven by dramatically higher rates of COVID-19 infection across all age groups, particularly among older adults, rather than age-specific variation in case-fatality rates. Interpretation. This work suggests that well-documented racial disparities in COVID-19 mortality in hard-hit settings, such as the U.S. state of Michigan, are driven primarily by variation in household, community and workplace exposure rather than case-fatality rates. Funding. This work was supported by a COVID-PODS grant from the Michigan Institute for Data Science (MIDAS) at the University of Michigan. The funding source had no role in the preparation of this manuscript.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shabatun Islam ◽  
Aditi Nayak ◽  
Yingtian Hu ◽  
Anurag Mehta ◽  
Katherine Dieppa ◽  
...  

ABSTRACT Background The COVID-19 pandemic adversely affected the socially vulnerable and minority communities in the U.S. initially, but the temporal trends during the year-long pandemic remain unknown. Objective We examined the temporal association between the county-level Social Vulnerability Index (SVI), a percentile-based measure of social vulnerability to disasters, its subcomponents and race/ethnic composition with COVID-19 incidence and mortality in the U.S. in the year starting in March 2020. Methods Counties (n=3091) with > 50 COVID-19 cases by March 6th, 2021 were included in the study. Associations between SVI (and its subcomponents) and county level racial composition with the incidence and death per capita were assessed by fitting a negative-binomial mixed-effects mod-el. This model was also used to examine potential time varying associations between weekly number of cases/deaths and SVI or racial composition. Data was adjusted for percentage of population aged great or equal to 65 years, state level testing rate, comorbidities using the average Hierarchical Condition Category (HCC) score, and environmental factors including average fine particulate matter (PM2.5), temperature and precipitation. Results Higher SVI, indicative of greater social vulnerability, was independently associated with higher COVID-19 incidence (adjusted incidence rate ratio [IRR] per-10 percentile increase:1.02, (95% CI 1.02, 1.03, p<0.001), and death per capita (1.04, (95% CI 1.04, 1.05, p<0.001). SVI became an independent predictor of incidence starting from March 2020, but this association became weak or insignificant by the winter, a period that coincided with a sharp increase in infection rates and mortality, and when counties with higher proportion of White residents were disproportionately represented (third wave). By Spring of 2021, SVI was again a predictor of COVID-19 out-comes. Counties with greater proportion of Black residents also observed similar temporal trends COVID-19-related adverse outcomes. Counties with greater proportion of Hispanic residents had worse outcomes throughout the duration of the analysis. Conclusion Except for the winter third wave when majority White communities had the highest incidence of cases, counties with greater social vulnerability and proportionately higher minority populations, experienced worse COVID-19 outcomes.


2020 ◽  
Vol 122 (13) ◽  
pp. 1-42
Author(s):  
Patriann Smith

Purpose In this conceptual essay used to introduce the special issue titled “Clarifying the Role of Race in the Literacies of Black Immigrant Youth,” I argue for centralizing race in research that examines Englishes and literacies of the largely invisible population of Black immigrant youth in the United States. My rationale for this argument is based largely on the increasingly divisive rhetoric surrounding Black immigrants and Black Americans, exacerbated by current racial tensions and further amplified amidst a politicized landscape and COVID-19. This rhetoric has erupted from often implicit and negative connotations associated with Black immigrants as a “new model minority” when compared with their “underperforming” Black American counterparts and evolved into the use of dichotomous intraracial ideologies that continue to pit one subgroup against the other. Beyond this, race continues to be present as a key part of conversations in the Englishes and literacies of Black American students. And the notion of race, as seen through constructs such as “critical race theory,” “racial literacy,” “linguistic racism,” and “a raciolinguistic perspective,” remains central to the conversations about how Black Americans’ language and literacy use is understood and evaluated in U.S. schools. Yet, we know little about how Black immigrant literacies and Englishes refect racial tensions that affect literacy instruction and assessment because data surrounding their academic performance across the U.S., more often than not, remains subsumed within the data of Black students overall. As they are immigrants of color who are subjected to similar forms of linguistic and racial discrimination often faced by Black American youth, and who also often undergo tremendous difficulty in adjusting to the cultural and linguistic differences faced in the U.S., why is race not central to the distinct, varied, and unique Englishes and literacies of Black immigrant youth? Theoretical Perspectives To address this gap in the field, I examine affordances from the lenses of diaspora literacy, transnational literacy, and racial literacy, which hold promise for understanding how to foreground race in the literacies of predominantly English-speaking Black immigrant youth. I demonstrate how each of these lenses, as applied to the literacies of the invisible population of Black youth, allows for partial understandings regarding these students> enactment of literacies based on their Englishes and semiotic resources. In turn, I illustrate how these lenses can work together to clarify the role of race in Black immigrant literacies. Implications Based on these discussions, I present the framework of Black immigrant literacies to assist researchers, practitioners, and parents who wish to better understand and support Black immigrant youth. I invite researchers who work with populations that include Black immigrant youth to consider how race, when central to research and teaching surrounding the literacies and Englishes of these youth, can provide opportunities for them to thrive beyond the perceptions of them as “academic prodigies” while also facilitating relationships with their Black American peers. I invite teachers to consider ways of viewing Black immigrant literacies that foster a sense of community between these youth and their Black American peers as well as ways of engaging their literacies in classrooms that allow them to demonstrate how they function as language architects beyond performance on literacy assessments. I invite parents to provide spaces beyond school contexts where Black immigrant youth can use their literacies for social adjustment. Through this essay, it is expected that the dominant population can gain further insights into the nuances that exist within the Black population and be cognizant of these nuances when engaging with Black immigrant youth.


2016 ◽  
Vol 02 (04) ◽  
pp. 465-484
Author(s):  
Chung Kyung-Young

The nuclear program is arguably Kim Jong-un’s strategic fantasy and core asset for breaking the status quo in order to achieve a unified Korea. To cope with North Korea’s grave nuclear and missile threats, the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) system needs to be deployed in South Korea for deterrence by denial. In the meantime, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) should not exclude the military option in the event of any further nuclear test and Intercontinental Ballistic Missile (ICBM) launch experiment by North Korea. The U.S. government should consider redeploying tactical nuclear warheads to South Korea in order to make the extended deterrence more effective. The South Korean government should make it clear that the Republic of Korea (ROK) does not seek to join, nor will it be incorporated into, the U.S.-led missile defense system. The United States and China should cooperate with South Korea to take the lead in achieving a norm-oriented, nuclear-free, and unified Korea. In particular, ROK-U.S.-China strategic cooperation is essential to preventing any potential nuclear warfare and maintaining peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula. South Korea, the United States and China should propose restructured negotiations on important issues that provide genuine incentives for Pyongyang, culminating in complete and verifiable denuclearization and a treaty that will end the tensions on the Peninsula. In addition, the trilateral cooperation needs to adopt a more proactive engagement policy to facilitate North Korea’s lasting transformation.


2017 ◽  
Vol 45 (6) ◽  
pp. 1032-1058 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Peffley ◽  
Jon Hurwitz ◽  
Jeffery Mondak

How do members of racial groups explain the large disparity in the way Blacks and Whites are treated by the criminal justice system in the United States? And how do such explanations (attributions) influence support for punitive crime control policies in America, as well as arguments against such policies? Our study of the structure, sources, and consequences of racial attributions in the justice system, using original survey data in Washington state, contributes to the literature in several ways. First, unlike traditional measures of racial prejudice—that is, racial resentment and stereotypes—our measure of racial attributions distinguishes cleanly between dispositional explanations (e.g., Blacks’ aggressive nature) and discrimination. Second, we examine the attributions of three pivotal groups with different experiences with legal authorities: Latinos, Blacks, and Whites. Third, an issue framing experiment demonstrates the power of both attributions for shaping support for the death penalty and arguments against the policy based on racial justice.


2018 ◽  
Vol 81 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-65
Author(s):  
Wan-Soo Lee ◽  
Min-Kyu Lee ◽  
Seok Kang ◽  
Jae-Woong Yoo

This study explored a comparative analysis of how the South Korean and United States media framed the Samsung–Apple patent lawsuit. The South Korean and U.S. media have a tendency to report Samsung–Apple patent disputes in a completely different angle. While framing in favor of Samsung was frequent in South Korea, neutral frames were dominant in the United States. The South Korean newspapers showed a stronger nationalism in favor of Samsung, whereas the U.S. newspapers portrayed the business conflict in the market logic. The South Korean and U.S. newspapers also showed differences in framing according to the ideological characteristics of the newspaper. In South Korea, the main conservative newspaper ( Chosun Ilbo) framed the issue in favor of Samsung and the largest liberal newspaper ( Hankyoreh) revealed a tendency to frame it in favor of Apple. However, in the United States, only the main business newspaper ( Wall Street Journal) favored Apple. This study contributes to news framing research in that socio-cultural divergences, framing pool (e.g., generic frames vs. issue-specific frames), and journalistic contexts considered systematically.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 609-609
Author(s):  
Youjung Lee

Abstract Despite custodial grandparents’ significant contributions to their grandchildren’s healthy development, unique needs of older adults often remain unmet with a limited cultural understanding of intergenerational caregiving. Using a phenomenological approach, interviews and focus groups were conducted with 75 custodial grandparents in Malawi (n=29), South Korea (n=23), and the U.S. (n=23). Malawian grandparents presented financial and physical hardships; however, they experienced strong support from community. Korean grandparents reported similar needs as Malawian grandparents while additionally experiencing cultural biases toward grandparent-headed families (maternal grandparenting and adult child’s divorce). The U.S. grandparents disclosed increased needs for social support as well as family trauma with intergenerational impacts. The increase in custodial grandparent population across the world and findings from this comparative transnational research highlight the need for development of a model for culturally responsive practice with grandparent-headed families in a global context. Part of a symposium sponsored by the Grandparents as Caregivers Interest Group.


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