Mexico’s recall law is not without risk

Subject Recall votes. Significance The Chamber of Deputies this month approved a constitutional revision allowing for the introduction of a new law subjecting politicians at all levels to possible ‘recall’ votes. Now ratified by the required 17 out of 32 state assemblies, the move is the most sweeping and ambitious recall experiment yet attempted anywhere. It is also especially risky, a fact that seems lost on its authors. Impacts While the bill explicitly rules out re-election, a defeated recall vote could be used as a platform to argue for just that. Some state administrations will drag their heels in modifying state constitutions to implement the law, shielding themselves from recall. Local recall votes could give organised crime groups another route by which to affect politics in their zones of influence.

Significance The closure of border crossings since March 2020 has fuelled violent competition for control of lucrative informal crossings (trochas) and frontier towns. However, the Venezuelan military is ill-prepared to deal with the expanding presence of Colombia’s irregular armed groups. Recent incursions highlight weaknesses in the Venezuelan armed forces, which have suffered casualties. Impacts The penetration of organised crime groups into Venezuela’s disintegrating state and economy will continue to intensify. Organised criminal violence coupled with the violence of military operations will fuel displacement, COVID and civilian casualties. A speedy, negotiated solution to Venezuela’s political impasse is needed to preclude fusion with Colombia’s own protracted insurgency.


2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 951-961
Author(s):  
Yara El Siwi

Purpose The gruesome attacks of 11 September 2001 signalled a powerful paradigm shift in international politics: governments previously accustomed to military menaces were now being increasingly threatened by independent, non-state actors. Consequently, a plethora of literature emerged, looking to better understand the nature of these actors. An aspect that has attracted substantial interest is the inter-relation between terrorism and organised crime (OC). This paper aims to answer the question as to whether, for the purpose of controlling and mitigating the threat they pose to society, there is meaning in differentiating between terrorist organisations (TOs) and organised crime groups (OCGs). Design/methodology/approach The first section of the paper will provide an account of the various kinds of threats posed by OCGs and TOs. The subsequent section will question whether it is possible, in today’s globalised era, to distinguish between these two actors, while the last sections will ask if such a differentiation is desirable. Findings OCGs and TOs display a clear divergence: the former’s motivation is financial while the latter’s political. With the end of the Cold War, however, each type of organisation has been building up the capabilities of the other, helped by the force of global networks. As such, these two actors now exist within the same body – a continuum – that renders their separation difficult. As to the question of desirability, the separation of the two phenomena has often led to the adoption of highly disproportionate militarised and securitised measures, resulting in a dangerous blending of law enforcement and security service methodology. Originality/value Many have argued for the separation of the “terrorist” from the “criminal”, on the grounds that the former is particularly heinous and deserving of more severe measures. Others have studied the evolution of these two phenomena to understand whether the lines separating them have been blurring and the extent to which this affects law-enforcement. This paper goes beyond notions of feasibility and poses the following question: has the traditional separation of these phenomena led to a desirable regime?


Subject Amnesty law. Significance An amnesty law that came into effect on April 23 provides for the release of prisoners convicted of non-violent federal crimes. One of President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador (AMLO)’s campaign promises, the law was first approved in 2019 by the Chamber of Deputies. It was ultimately rushed through the Senate in April after AMLO urged his National Regeneration Movement (Morena) to pass it, ostensibly to help combat the spread of COVID-19 within Mexico’s overcrowded prison system. Impacts Fear of COVID-19 within prisons will greatly increase the risk of riots and escape attempts. Focus on the amnesty law may distract from more effective, pre-existing strategies for easing prison overcrowding, such as pardons. The immediate need to address COVID-19’s impacts will hinder efforts to pursue further justice reforms complementary to the amnesty law.


Subject Prospects for Mexico and Central America in 2016. Significance Mexico and Central America will weather the economic slowdown that is affecting many emerging economies in 2016, with most countries doing well by broader regional standards. Security and governance are causes for concern regionwide. Both criminal and state violence will be major issues in Mexico and northern Central America, with increasing migration giving organised crime groups opportunities to diversify and potentially spread south, and heavy-handed policing exacerbating insecurity. Border security issues have the potential to strain relations between countries, while allegations of corruption will challenge governments, with numerous politicians potentially facing trial.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mariska Fourie ◽  
Philip Steenkamp ◽  
Jacqui-Lyn McIntyre-Louw ◽  
Clinton Oellermann

Purpose This paper aims to provide a holistic view of infiltration behaviour by organised crime groups (OCGs), with a specific focus on the methods used to access the legal market, including factors that drive an organised crime group to pursue infiltration. The act of infiltration is examined as a business decision; therefore, factors such as the surrounding community, the availability of criminal opportunities and broader implications, are considered. Design/methodology/approach Initially, the concept of an organised crime group is explored by, where possible, identifying trends in behaviour and structure. The act of infiltration is dissected, including the infiltration behaviour of OCGs and their related decision-making processes. Findings Infiltration actions are complex; therefore, any countervailing combatting and preventative actions will need to follow suit. OCGs pursue infiltration only when deemed feasible and to their benefit in furthering their illicit actions. Criminal opportunities are pursued across the entire economic sector. When these groups participate in a legal market, their criminality infects the healthy market and leaves it ill and contagious to the rest of the licit economy. Originality/value Infiltration is organic, as it indicates growth or adjustment to changing market conditions. Criminal opportunities are widespread, and their creation is often unintentional–the legal economy casts a shadow. Combatting organised crime, entrenched in the lawful community, requires that the focus should be on the susceptibility of potential infiltration targets through the possible infiltration methods. Furthermore, a broader perspective is needed when considering the underlying motivation for infiltration–it may not only be to generate profit.


Significance Originally expected to come into force only after the official signing of a peace treaty, the permanent ceasefire was moved forward, demonstrating both the faith of each side in the strength of the peace agreement, and the possible fluidity of scheduled events over the coming weeks. Impacts Increased security in some areas will allow increased investment and development. The good press Colombia will receive may see a tourism boost in the wake of the peace agreement. Nevertheless, FARC demobilisation will cause major socio-political upheaval and could trigger a short-term uptick in violence. The failure of guerrilla reintegration initiatives could drive many former rebels to organised crime groups.


2015 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 182-201 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Sergi

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to consider the rationale behind the approaches to organised crime in criminal law to understand the basis of the law on conspiracy in England and Wales and why this country has refused to amend conspiracy in favour of a membership offence or a criminal enterprise model, similar to the USA’s offences. Design/methodology/approach – The analysis is based on a legal comparison between the law of conspiracy in England and Wales and the USA’s Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act (RICO) statute, as example of best practice targeting criminal enterprises. The legal comparison is also substantiated by case law examples and interviewees with prosecutors and lawyers collected both in London and in New York City. Findings – After briefly describing how the two systems (English and American) are intended to work, the paper will develop a discussion on the difficulties and advantages of introducing a RICO-style legislation in England and Wales and shall conclude that it is the way organised crime is socially perceived in the English/British scenario that justifies the choice to remain on the level of conspiracy and not move towards membership/enterprise offences. Research limitations/implications – This study shall be primarily intended as an opportunity to assess the criminal law tools in the fight against organised crime available in England and Wales. The comparative side of this research, the RICO statute, would require more attention which this paper cannot give for reasons of brevity. Therefore, the study is a preliminary study in comparative criminal law. Originality/value – The central idea of this work is to suggest that differences in criminal law are based on different perceptions of the wrongfulness of the offending. For the law to change in favour of a criminal enterprise offence in England and Wales, there is a need to reshape the wrongfulness of organised crime. A study into the wrongfulness of organised crime as a criminal offence, with a comparative outlook, has never been conducted before in England and Wales.


Subject The government's security policy. Significance President Enrique Pena Nieto's December trip to the border city of Ciudad Juarez -- once 'the most dangerous city in the world' -- was designed to highlight an area where the government's security policies seem to have garnered impressive results. Pena Nieto claimed that since the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) took power two years ago, homicides in the city had decreased by 50%. However, this improving situation is not representative of Mexico as a whole. Impacts Homicide, extortion, and kidnapping rates in Ciudad Juarez, Tijuana and Monterrey will continue to drop. Implementing the same security policy in states with warring organised crime groups remains much more problematic. In Guerrero, Michoacan and Tamaulipas, homicide, kidnapping and extortion rates will stay stable or rise.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Francis Hesketh

Purpose This paper aims to discuss the emergence of the contemporary Urban Street Gang (USG) on Merseyside. In terms of gang scholarship in the UK, Merseyside has been greatly neglected despite regular reports in national mainstream media that suggest Merseyside USGs represent some of the most criminally active and violent members in the UK. Design/methodology/approach A specific methodology has been omitted because the author while providing a viewpoint from Hesketh (2018), also wishes to encapsulate observations from the remaining two pieces of research conducted on Merseyside (Smithson et al., 2009; Robinson, 2018). For this reason, a summary of the methods used in each of the three studies is provided. Findings The paper will highlight observations drawn from all three research studies that were prevalent with USG members throughout the Merseyside county at the time of each study. They include aspects surrounding territoriality, belonging and identity through dress style as well as USG structures and motivation for joining. In particular, the paper will address also address the role of drugs which has transformed the structural make-up of many Merseyside USGs from relatively loosely knit-street corner groups involved in anti-social behaviour (ASB) to more structural-deviant entrepreneurial enterprises. Research limitations/implications The paper calls for more research to be carried out on Merseyside. Limitations would include the omission of young women in each of the three studies. Practical implications The practical implications are as follows: a need to focus on the impact of bridging within excluded communities; a need to focus on emphasising that drug dealing is a crime that carries serious consequences, and not a form of work (grafting); a need to focus on young women and criminal involvement; and a need to concentrate on developing strategies that counter the allure and attraction of risk-taking behaviour. Social implications The paper addresses the impact of social exclusion and the need for equality to counter young people becoming involved in criminality and gangs as well as adult organised crime groups. Originality/value The paper is based on what have been so far the only three in-depth studies carried out on Merseyside.


Subject The popularity and state scrutiny of social media in South-east Asia. Significance The successful introduction of smartphones has facilitated social media's rise in a region often characterised by low-quality landlines and relatively low internet access. The rapid adoption of social media in South-east Asia has also been accompanied by exceptionally aggressive state surveillance of such platforms. Impacts Organised crime groups in the Philippines are likely to use social media to implicate their rivals in Duterte's 'war on drugs'. The Thai junta will make the operating environment for social media platforms particularly difficult until at least 2018. Rising access to mobile telephony and internet in Myanmar could overhaul election campaigning.


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