Economics and nationalism shape China’s foreign policy

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
China’S Foreign Policy ◽  
Rising Power

China is a rising power and potential superpower, the only country that plausibly could one day equal the United States

The Sino-Soviet Split and Problems for the United States in Asia, Europe, and the Americas, 1956–64

2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas J. Christensen
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
The United States ◽  
Mao Zedong ◽  
Third Party ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Soviet Foreign Policy ◽  
China’S Foreign Policy

This chapter examines the Sino-Soviet split and its implications for the United States' policies in Asia, Europe, and the Americas during the period 1956–1964. Coordination and comity in the communist camp peaked between 1953 and 1957, but alliance between the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China (PRC) was relatively short-lived. This was caused by ideological differences, distrust, and jealous rivalries for international leadership between Nikita Khrushchev and Mao Zedong. The chapter explains what caused the strain in Sino-Soviet relations, and especially the collapse of Sino-Soviet military and economic cooperation. It also considers the effects of the Sino-Soviet disputes on third-party communists in Asia, China's foreign policy activism, and the catalytic effect of the Sino-Soviet split on Soviet foreign policy.

The Rise of Xi Jinping and China’s New Era: Implications for the United States and Taiwan

2020 ◽  
Vol 56 (01) ◽  
pp. 2040004
Author(s):  
DREW THOMPSON
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Chinese Foreign Policy ◽  
Chinese Economy ◽  
Xi Jinping ◽  
New Era ◽  
The Us ◽  
China’S Foreign Policy ◽  
China’S Economy

Xi Jinping’s rise to power has heralded a new foreign policy that is more assertive and uncompromising toward China’s neighbors, the United States, and the rest of the world. This change presents challenges for the United States and Taiwan in particular which must be addressed with a sense of urgency due to Xi Jinping’s ambitious objectives and his firm grip on the levers of power which increase the likelihood that the Communist Party and government of China will seek to achieve them without delay. This paper reviews changes to Chinese foreign policy in the Xi Jinping era and argues how the modernization of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) over time has increased the threat to Taiwan, with concurrent risks for the United States. Taiwan and the US can address the challenge presented by China by strengthening their relationship to adapt to the new era under Xi Jinping’s leadership. According to CIA (2018), China’s economy now stands at approximately US$12 trillion, second only to the United States (CIA [2018]. World fact book). Unlike in 1978, China’s economy today is dependent on access to globally sourced raw materials, and access to overseas consumer markets for its industrial and consumer goods. This dependency on overseas markets has increased China’s global presence and interests, driving the need to protect them. The Chinese Government’s now ample resources have been allocated to both hard and soft power means toward this purpose. The PLA has greatly benefitted from economic development and the expansion of the Chinese economy, transforming from a backward institution focused on private-sector moneymaking into the sharpest tool of China’s power and influence. Since Xi Jinping came to power in 2012, China’s foreign policy and strategy have undergone a dramatic shift away from Deng Xiaoping’s focus on increasing domestic productivity and avoiding potentially costly overseas entanglements. The confluence of accumulated national wealth, diplomatic, economic, and military power, and the will to use those levers of power, has dramatic implications for the United States and China’s neighbors. A more assertive China, confident in its wealth, power, and international status, is increasingly unafraid of overt competition with its neighbors and the United States, unwilling to back down or compromise in the face of disputes. This dynamic has resulted in a new paradigm in the Indo-Pacific region that is unlike previous challenges of the past 40 years. The shift in China’s foreign policy and the PLA’s modernization threaten to challenge the credibility of US security assurances and alliances in the region, making the cultivation and strengthening of the US–Taiwan relationship, and the network of US bilateral alliances in the region an urgent imperative.

Can China rise peacefully?

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jude Woodward
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Outer Space ◽  
The United States ◽  
Western Hemisphere ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
China’S Foreign Policy ◽  
The 19Th Century

The case that China must be contained rests on the premise that it is – or is about to – engage in a coercive expansion of its influence in ‘Central Asia, the South China Sea, the internet and outer space’ and it is only a matter of time before China tries ‘to push the United States out of the Asia-Pacific region, much the way the United States pushed the European great powers out of the Western hemisphere in the 19th century’. China’s rise is cast as dangerous for the security of its neighbours and world peace, with the only guarantee of regional and global stability the maintenance of the leading role of the US, particularly in Asia itself. This chapter examines the truth of these claims in the light of the China’s own explanation of the direction of its foreign policy. It argues that while China’s foreign policy has become more emphatic in pursuing its international interests, especially relating to trade and energy security, that there is a great deal of difference between greater confidence in pursuing China’s national interests and a new aggressive stance.

ON STRENGTHENING CHINA'S DIPLOMATIC STRATEGY AND SOME FEATURES OF THE PERSONNEL POLICY REGARDING THE HEADS OF THE PRC DIPLOMATIC MISSIONS

2020 ◽  
pp. 50-58
Author(s):  
Natal'ya B. Pomozova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Personnel Policy ◽  
Policy Strategy ◽  
Policy Tool ◽  
China’S Foreign Policy ◽  
New Type ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Media And Communication

The article attempts to trace some features of the China diplomatic strategy in the context of the global confrontation between the United States and the PRC. Diplomacy is an essential foreign policy tool of any state. In the era of mass media and communication, diplomatic agents face new realities, while their role in implementing the foreign policy strategy is increasing due to the relevance of a new type of confrontation – the information and hybrid wars. Traditionally, the United States remained the leader in the number of diplomatic missions abroad; however, in 2019 China was ahead of its main competitor in that respect. The geographical choice in opening new diplomatic missionsis an indicator ofthe country’sforeign policy priorities. Thus,the work of the new Chinese embassies helped to reduce the number of countries recognizing the Republic of Taiwan down to 15. An analysis of the personnel policy regarding the heads of the diplomatic missions of the PRC in the “key” areas has revealed some features that affect the working style of the ambassadors. The factor of strengthening the influence of the PRC in reputable international organizations through its diplomatic agents, which has traditionally been the prerogative of the United States, also demonstrates the offensive ambitions of China’s foreign policy strategy.

scholarly journals THE INFLUENCE OF CHINESE-AMERICAN TRADE RELATIONS ON CHINA's FOREIGN POLICY RELATING TO THE USA

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-73
Author(s):  
Jiang Junjing
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
World Economy ◽  
Negative Impact ◽  
The United States ◽  
Economic Benefits ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The World ◽  
China’S Foreign Policy ◽  
The Impact

Based on a wide range of sources, the article analyzes the impact of China's trade and economic relations with the United States. Several periods of interaction between countries after the end of World War II are considered. Special attention is paid to the period of restoration of diplomatic relations since 1979. Based on various sources and historiography, the author analyzes the researchers' points of view on the impact of economic issues on the relations between the two countries. In the course of the research, the author came to the conclusion that an important aspect in the direction of the foreign economic policy of the People’s Republic of China in the first post-war years was the ideological factor. The article presents an analysis of changes in the vector of China's foreign policy in different periods. The main ways of interaction between the United States and China are described, depending on changing foreign policy doctrines. The reforms launched in 1978 provided China with economic growth and a growing prestige on the world stage, which is still present today. The rapprochement between the United States and China after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 brought certain economic benefits for the two countries. However, the aggravation of relations between the countries in the new Millennium provides an opportunity for new assessments of the PRC's position on the world stage. Trump’s coming to power in the United States is regarded as an economic war between the two countries. China's increased investment capacity and technological independence make it an attractive partner for other countries, which in turn has a negative impact on trade with America. The most important thing in this situation is the fact that the globalization of the world economy caused by scientific and technological progress, including the rather close interweaving of the US and Chinese economies, contradicts the national interests of both countries, which are trying to strengthen their positions and role in the world economy. Based on the analyzed material, the author comes to the conclusion that recently the foreign policy relations between China and the United States directly depend on the economic interests of the parties.

scholarly journals On the features of the peripheral diplomacy of the PRC and relations with ASEAN countries

2020 ◽  
pp. 29-44
Author(s):  
А.А. Zabella ◽  
◽  
E.Yu. Katkova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Southeast Asian ◽  
Asian Countries ◽  
One Belt One Road ◽  
China’S Foreign Policy ◽  
Asean Countries ◽  
The One ◽  
Southeast Asian Countries

The article defines the basic postulates of China's peripheral diplomacy and its features. The authors analyze the basics of China's foreign policy, as well as its policy towards the ASEAN. The authors focus on the "One belt, one road" initiative and the Indo-Pacific strategy, as well as the struggle between China and the United States for the loyalty of Southeast Asian countries.

Chinese Foreign Policy under Hu Jintao:The Struggle between Low-Profile Policy and Diplomatic Activism

2010 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 357-378 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zhao Suisheng
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Chinese Foreign Policy ◽  
Low Profile ◽  
Global Power ◽  
China’S Foreign Policy ◽  
International Responsibility ◽  
The One ◽  
Rising Power ◽  
Chinese Diplomacy

AbstractThis article explores a controversial issue of Chinese foreign policy: whether the Hu leadership has abandoned Deng Xiaoping’s taoguang yanghui policy — hiding one’s capabilities and biding one’s time — and reoriented Chinese foreign policy towards a more assertive, if not more aggressive, direction. This is controversial because while China in public still insists that it follows the taoguang yanghui policy established by Deng in the early 1990s; Chinese diplomacy has become increasingly active and assertive since Hu came to power, particularly since the 2008-2009 global economic crisis. This article argues that as a rising power, an active foreign policy has become a necessity rather than a luxury for China. This diplomatic activism marks a certain departure from the taoguang yanghui policy, but the Hu leadership is still juggling China’s taoguang yanghui policy with its emerging role as a global power. One defining tension in China’s foreign policy agenda is to find a balance between expanding China’s international influence and taking more international responsibility on the one hand and continuing to play down its pretence of being a global power and avoiding confrontation with the United States on the other.

scholarly journals China’s Foreign Policy Since 2012: A Question of Communication and Clarity

2017 ◽  
Vol 03 (03) ◽  
pp. 325-339
Author(s):  
Kerry Brown
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Past ◽  
Self Image ◽  
The Future ◽  
China’S Foreign Policy ◽  
Legitimate Interests

China’s success in developing its economy since 1978 has been accompanied by an increasing geopolitical role. In recent years, this has been accentuated by the increasing confusion about the resilience of its own systems and global visions by the United States and its allies. China has never had a larger stage to exercise its influence and present its values and vision. It has created a set of narratives for its foreign policy that conveys this vision in ways which attempt to avoid normativeness, but assert China’s legitimate interests. Nevertheless, a number of challenges have emerged for China in the past five years and these will continue shaping China’s self-image and global role in the future.

Against Slave Power? Slavery and Runaway Slaves in Mexico-United States Relations, 1821–1857

2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-170
Author(s):  
Gerardo Gurza-Lavalle
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
The South ◽  
Runaway Slaves ◽  
The Us ◽  
El Alto ◽  
Upper South ◽  
Lower South

This work analyses the diplomatic conflicts that slavery and the problem of runaway slaves provoked in relations between Mexico and the United States from 1821 to 1857. Slavery became a source of conflict after the colonization of Texas. Later, after the US-Mexico War, slaves ran away into Mexican territory, and therefore slaveholders and politicians in Texas wanted a treaty of extradition that included a stipulation for the return of fugitives. This article contests recent historiography that considers the South (as a region) and southern politicians as strongly influential in the design of foreign policy, putting into question the actual power not only of the South but also of the United States as a whole. The problem of slavery divided the United States and rendered the pursuit of a proslavery foreign policy increasingly difficult. In addition, the South never acted as a unified bloc; there were considerable differences between the upper South and the lower South. These differences are noticeable in the fact that southerners in Congress never sought with enough energy a treaty of extradition with Mexico. The article also argues that Mexico found the necessary leeway to defend its own interests, even with the stark differential of wealth and resources existing between the two countries. El presente trabajo analiza los conflictos diplomáticos entre México y Estados Unidos que fueron provocados por la esclavitud y el problema de los esclavos fugitivos entre 1821 y 1857. La esclavitud se convirtió en fuente de conflicto tras la colonización de Texas. Más tarde, después de la guerra Mexico-Estados Unidos, algunos esclavos se fugaron al territorio mexicano y por lo tanto dueños y políticos solicitaron un tratado de extradición que incluyera una estipulación para el retorno de los fugitivos. Este artículo disputa la idea de la historiografía reciente que considera al Sur (en cuanto región), así como a los políticos sureños, como grandes influencias en el diseño de la política exterior, y pone en tela de juicio el verdadero poder no sólo del Sur sino de Estados Unidos en su conjunto. El problema de la esclavitud dividió a Estados Unidos y dificultó cada vez más el impulso de una política exterior que favoreciera la esclavitud. Además, el Sur jamás operó como unidad: había diferencias marcadas entre el Alto Sur y el Bajo Sur. Estas diferencias se observan en el hecho de que los sureños en el Congreso jamás se esforzaron en buscar con suficiente energía un tratado de extradición con México. El artículo también sostiene que México halló el margen de maniobra necesario para defender sus propios intereses, pese a los fuertes contrastes de riqueza y recursos entre los dos países.

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