Comparisons and Analyses on Technical Economy of Transmission Solutions from Power Base towards Load Center

Author(s):  
Yanling Wang ◽  
Lizi Zhang
Keyword(s):  
2000 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Afzalur Rahim ◽  
David Antonioni ◽  
Krum Krumov ◽  
Snejana Ilieva

This study investigated the relationships of bases of leader power (coercive, reward, legitimate, expert, and referent) and styles of handling interpersonal conflict (integrating, obliging, dominating, avoiding, and compromising) to subordinates' effectiveness. Data for this study were collected with questionnaires from the United States and Bulgaria and analyzed with hierarchical regression analysis for each country. Results indicated that in the United States referent power base of supervisors and integrating style of handling conflict of subordinates were positively associated with effectiveness. In Bulgaria, legitimate power base of supervisors was positively associated with effectiveness, but the subordinates' conflict styles were not associated with effectiveness.


2016 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 553-564 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth J. Frazer

This review essay focusses on Gelderloos's normative theory of diversity of tactics. The book is worth serious attention by political theorists because of its sustained analysis of violence, nonviolence, tactics and strategy, but the normative theory fails. The essay endorses Gelderloos's nuanced analysis of the violence-nonviolence distinction and aspects of his account of tactics-strategy-goals. But the concepts ‘state' and ‘politics' are both treated by him in an overly simple way. Although aspects of his account show how complex any state-society distinction is, in other contexts he suggests that it is easy for actors to divide state enemies from oppressed society friends. He rejects politics as the capture of state power for dominating and self-interested purposes, and dismisses all other aspects of political power, institutions and relationships. He thereby denies any role for politics in the sustainability of the anarchist activism he wishes to defend and endorse. In particular his disavowal of any political power base to coalitions, means that coalitional action can only be depicted as evanescent and episodic, while anarchist action is premissed on putting fellow actors who are not comrades beyond the realm of care of concern.


2009 ◽  
Vol 19 ◽  
pp. 117-138 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. J. W. Evans

ABSTRACTIn the vibrant current debate about European empires and their ideologies, one basic dichotomy still tends to be overlooked: that between, on the one hand, the plurality of modern empires of colonisation, commerce and settlement; and, on the other, the traditional claim to single and undividedimperiumso long embodied in the Roman Empire and its successor, the Holy Roman Empire, or (First) Reich. This paper examines the tensions between the two, as manifested in the theory and practice of Habsburg imperial rule. The Habsburgs, emperors of the Reich almost continuously through its last centuries, sought to build their own power-base within and beyond it. The first half of the paper examines how by the eighteenth century their ‘Monarchy’, subsisting alongside the Reich, dealt with the associated legacy of empire. After the dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire in 1806 the Habsburgs could pursue a free-standing Austrian ‘imperialism’, but it rested on an uneasy combination of old and new elements and was correspondingly vulnerable to challenge from abroad and censure at home. The second half of the article charts this aspect of Habsburg government through an age of international imperialism and its contribution to the collapse of the Dual Monarchy in 1918.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
1994 ◽  
Vol 93 (6) ◽  
pp. 1050-1054
Author(s):  
Tony Larry Whitehead ◽  
James Peterson ◽  
Linda Kaljee

Objective. Drug trafficking seems to be both prevalent and associated with considerable morbidity and mortality among inner-city African-American males. Survey data has indicated the possible importance of economic need in the rapid emergence of drug trafficking in this population. In the present study, an historical-cultural approach is used to examine this economic relationship further and to explore the role that drug trafficking plays in a society that has permitted its successful and rapid growth. Methodology. Data were obtained from interviews of approximately 600 African-Americans residing in inner-city neighborhoods in Washington, DC and Baltimore during nine drug- and acquired immunodeficiency syndrome-related studies conducted over 4 years. Results and conclusions. From the perspective of the study participants, the need to provide economic support for one's family as well as to achieve some sense of status, respect, and reputation among one's peers are two core constructs of masculine identity in the United States. The historical and worsening inequities in access to economic resources and power by African-American males are viewed as significantly reducing the opportunity for economic success through more social or legal enterprises. Pursuit of nonmainstream activities (such as drug trafficking) is perceived as offering an opportunity for economic advancement and for establishing a power base for individuals who have been denied access to mainstream opportunities.


2000 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 32-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pat O'Connor

This paper explores the reality of patriarchal privileging and resistance within a society which has undergone dramatic change over the past twenty-five years. Using Foucault's ideas of power and resistance (1980; 1988; 1989) and Connell's ideas of the patriarchal dividend (1995 a and b) it first explores these key concepts. It then draws together a wide range of empirical evidence to document the ongoing reality of patriarchal privileging in the world of paid work and the family in Ireland. It then however identifies and illustrates fourteen analytically different types of resistance including the creation of an alternative power base in the family; facilitating the emergence of new child rearing structures; naming the ‘enemy within’; naming aspects of culture which are not ‘woman friendly’; whistle blowing; targeting key structures; negative power etc. It concludes by suggesting (drawing on Acker, 1998) that although the institutional structures reflect the needs and wishes of powerful men, choices can still be made by individual men and women.


2008 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 41-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rhiannon Vickers

When British Prime Minister Harold Wilson urged Lyndon Johnson not to escalate hostilities in Vietnam in 1965, he did so not because he was morally opposed to the war or thought the war was intractable but because he was concerned about the likely impact of U.S. actions on his own domestic power base. Wilson's stance of providing moral but not military support for U.S. policy in Vietnam caused anger and disillusionment among leftwing Labour Party activists and members of Parliament, spurring them to active opposition against Wilson's government. Even so, Wilson managed to prevent a major schism within his government and party over the Vietnam War. His attempts to broker a peace deal between the combatants were largely designed to placate Labour Party activists while raising Wilson's profile as a world statesman. Although the initiatives did not generate any progress toward a ceasefire, they were relatively successful on the domestic front.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (28) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Erida Elmazi

Principals are a key factor on various aspects of schooling, and teachers play a determinant role on student’s achievement. Several statistical studies have shown this significance. Fewer findings are about the power relationship that exists between the principal and the teachers. The role of effective use of power and empowerment initiatives is not clear. This paper focuses on investigating the relationship among the principal's bases of power, and the role of power in effective teacher and teacher empowerment. For the current study, the primary data source used was a survey. The sample comprised of 20 principals and 100 teachers in High Schools in Albania. Results of the study indicate that correlation exists between ‘‘staying on top’’ and level of power. Findings show also that there does not exist a general organizational climate that encourages empowerment and delegation The data suggests that most teachers perceive their principals as operating from a legitimate power base.


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 57-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tomasz Olczyk ◽  
Jacek Wasilewski

The 2015 presidential election was a turning point in a history of celebritisation of politics in Poland. Rock vocalist Paweł Kukiz unexpectedly finished third with 20% of votes, the highest result of any celebrity–candidate in presidential elections. He achieved that, campaigning mostly on Facebook, without any significant power base and financial support. Kukiz set up his own political organisation, which gained a 9% backing in the parliamentary elections. He achieved that with no political platform, no media backing, and no party structure. We argue that his persona was a crucial asset in his political success. We will show how Kukiz created, managed and performed his persona, how he used it to mobilise three million voters and then to create and brand his “Kukiz’15 Movement.” Finally, we analyse limits, traps and contradictions of persona power. Analysed material includes Paweł Kukiz’s and his opponents’ Facebook posts, televised political advertisements, performances in celebrity TV shows and debates.


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