Win Some, Lose None? Support Parties at the Polls and in Political Agenda-Setting

2015 ◽  
Vol 64 (4) ◽  
pp. 979-999 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gunnar Thesen
Keyword(s):  
Agenda Setting ◽  
Party Competition ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
Policy Influence ◽  
Trade Offs ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Cost ◽  
Issue Competition ◽  
Opposition Parties

Support parties play a crucial, but under-exposed, role under minority rule. They secure the government’s place in office and exercise policy influence through legislative coalitions. This article examines whether support parties are unfettered by the liabilities of policy responsibility. Incumbents struggle with the cost of ruling in elections and in day-to-day party and issue competition. Support parties, lacking the formal responsibility of office, could arguably escape the negative consequences of policy influence. Two studies illustrate this mechanism. First, I find that Scandinavian support parties that exercise policy influence through participation in budget coalitions avoid electoral losses. However, unlike opposition parties from the government bloc that do not participate in budget coalitions, support parties are unable to increase their vote share. Second, by looking more closely at one support party and analysing its agenda-setting behaviour in response to media attention, I find that support parties, unlike incumbents and like opposition parties, are able to politicise ‘winning issues’ from the news. Despite occasional trade-offs due to their proximity to power, support parties are favourably positioned in party competition.

scholarly journals Political Agenda Setting in the Hybrid Media System: Why Legacy Media Still Matter a Great Deal

2020 ◽  
pp. 194016122092502 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ana Ines Langer ◽  
Johannes B. Gruber
Keyword(s):  
Political Communication ◽  
News Media ◽  
Agenda Setting ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
Investigative Journalism ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Media System ◽  
Hybrid Dynamics ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government

This article examines the roles of the media in the process of political agenda setting. There is a long tradition of studies on this topic, but they have mostly focused on legacy news media, thus overlooking the role of other actors and the complex hybrid dynamics that characterize contemporary political communication. In contrast, through an in-depth case study using mixed-methods and multiplatform data, this article provides a detailed analysis of the roles and interactions between different types of media and how they were used by political and advocacy elites. It explores what happened in the different parts of the system, and thus the paths to attention that led to setting this issue in the political and media agendas. The analysis of the case, a partial policy reversal in the United Kingdom provoked by an immigration scandal known as the “Windrush scandal” reveals that the issue was pushed into the agenda by a campaign assemblage of investigative journalism, political and advocacy elites, and digitally enabled leaders. The legacy news media came late but were crucial. They greatly amplified the salience of the issue and, once in “storm mode,” they were key for sustaining attention and pressure, eventually compelling the government to respond. It shows that they often remain at the core of the “national conversation” and certainly in the eye of a media storm. In the contemporary context, characterized by fierce battles for attention, shortening attention spans and fractured audiences, this is key and has important implications for agenda setting and beyond.

The Influence of Interest Groups on Government

2014 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-63
Author(s):  
Nicolás Cherny
Keyword(s):  
Interest Groups ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Exchange Rate Regime ◽  
Foreign Assistance ◽  
Trade Offs ◽  
Tradable Goods ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Cost ◽  
Los Grupos ◽  
The International Monetary Fund

Interest groups’ influence on government affects economic policy making and has an impact on economic crises. Under Argentina’s convertibility exchange-rate regime until its collapse in 2001, tradable-goods entrepreneurs’ preferences depended on the degree to which the government offered them trade-offs either to offset the loss of competitiveness stemming from the currency peg or to exempt them from the costs of devaluation. For the nontradable sector and investors the costs of maintaining the peg to the dollar were always less than those entailed in abandoning the regime. While the fiscal and external inconsistencies of convertibility reduced the preference of the International Monetary Fund for maintaining convertibility, the cost of changing it induced the Fund to continue financing the Argentine government. Moreover, the influence exerted on the IMF by the governments of countries whose businesses had been affected by the distribution of the cost of abandoning the convertibility discouraged financial collaboration by the foreign assistance organizations during the collapse. La influencia de los grupos de interés sobre el gobierno afecta la orientación de la política económica y tiene su impacto en las crisis económicas. Durante el régimen de convertibilidad en Argentina hasta su colapso en 2001, las preferencias de los empresarios de bienes transables dependían del grado en que el gobierno les ofrecía compensaciones, sea para moderar la pérdida de competitividad derivada de la fijación o para sustraerlos de los costos de la devaluación. Para los empresarios del sector no transable y los inversores financieros los costos de mantener la fijación con el dólar resultaron siempre inferiores que los de salir del régimen. Si las inconsistencias fiscales y externas de la convertibilidad desalentaban la preferencia del FMI por mantener la convertibilidad, los costos de cambiarla indujeron al Fondo a sostener el financiamiento al gobierno argentino. Asimismo, la influencia que ejercieron sobre el FMI los gobiernos de los países cuyas empresas habían sido afectadas en la distribución de los costos del cambio de régimen cambiario desalentó la colaboración financiera de los organismos proveedores de ayuda externa durante el colapso.

scholarly journals THE BATTLE OF THREE POLITICAL REGIMES IN MALAYSIA PRIOR AND POST GE 14TH: AN ANALYSIS OF BARISAN NASIONAL, PAKATAN HARAPAN & THE FORMATION OF PERIKATAN NASIONAL (PN)

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (8) ◽  
pp. 29-38
Author(s):  
Mohammad Tawfik Yaakub
Keyword(s):  
Political Influence ◽  
General Election ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
Political Regimes ◽  
The People ◽  
Before And After ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Cost ◽  
Opposition Movement ◽  
Opposition Parties

This chapter discusses the battle of the three political regimes in Malaysia, the Barisan Nasional (BN) and Pakatan Harapan (PH), in the 14th General Election and the formation of Perikatan Nasional (PN) after the collapse of the PH government. The BN coalition has shown its political influence throughout 63 years of ruling the country since independence which has been hard to break by other opposition parties in Malaysia. BN has manipulated various government instruments in ruling to form a strong political hegemony that affects the voting behaviour of voters in determining rational choice, especially when elections are conducted. However, the strong political domination has been broken by the opposition movement that began in the 12th General Election that eventually toppled the old political regime, BN in the last GE-14. The failure of BN to defend its position as a government is due to several factors including scandals and misuse of power by political leaders, the weaknesses of the government in addressing economic issues, and pressures faced by the people on the cost of living, and limited employment opportunities. Issues that arise are then manipulated by the opposition parties at the same time, which managed to convince voters to change their support from BN to PH in the last GE-14. However, PH, which then had the opportunity to govern the country with a dilemma, as it failed to capitalize on the opportunity and fulfilled its manifesto as promised in their election campaigns. Subsequently, Malaysians, especially the voters in a series of by-election have begun to send a message to the government by voting for opposition candidates as a gesture of protest against the PH government. Furthermore, an analysis of the developments and dilemmas of the direction of the two political regimes before and after the GE-14 is discussed in detail in this chapter.

Do Elections (Still) Matter?

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emiliano Grossman ◽  
Isabelle Guinaudeau
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Politics ◽  
Agenda Setting ◽  
Institutional Capacity ◽  
Party Competition ◽  
New Model ◽  
The Core ◽  
Policy Agendas ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Bridging Studies ◽  
Opposition Parties

This book sheds new light on this central democratic concern based on an ambitious study of democratic mandates through the lens of agenda-setting in five West European countries since the 1980s. The authors develop and test a new model bridging studies of party competition, pledge fulfilment, and policymaking. The core argument is that electoral priorities are a major factor shaping policy agendas, but mandates should not be mistaken as partisan. Parties are like ‘snakes in tunnels’: they have distinctive priorities but they need to respond to emerging problems and their competitors’ priorities, resulting in considerable cross-partisan overlap. The ‘tunnel of attention’ remains constraining in the policymaking arena, especially when opposition parties have resources to press governing parties to act on the campaign priorities. This key aspect of mandate responsiveness has been neglected so far because in traditional models of mandate representation, party platforms are conceived as a set of distinctive priorities, whose agenda-setting impact ultimately depends on the institutional capacity of the parties in office. Rather differently, this book suggests that counter-majoritarian institutions and windows for opposition parties generate key incentives to stick to the mandate. It shows that these findings hold across five very different democracies: Denmark, France, Germany, Italy, and the UK. The results contribute to a renewal of mandate theories of representation and lead to question the idea underlying much of the comparative politics literature that majoritarian systems are more responsive than consensual ones.

Leading the Band or Just Playing the Tune? Reassessing the Agenda-Setting Powers of the European Commission

2016 ◽  
Vol 50 (8) ◽  
pp. 1118-1150 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amie Kreppel ◽  
Buket Oztas
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
European Union ◽  
Agenda Setting ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Policy Influence ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Agenda Setter ◽  
The Difference

Setting the political agenda is a critical and usually powerful aspect of policy making. However, the ability to set the agenda, without any significant decision-making powers, can undermine this influence, leaving a technical agenda setter without substantive political influence. This research examines the difference between technical and political agenda setting through an analysis of the policy impact of the Commission of the European Union (EU). Using two newly developed databases on Commission policy priorities and all adopted EU legislation, as well as the Decision Making in the European Union (DEU II) dataset, we investigate the ability of the Commission to shape EU legislative outcomes to reflect its policy preferences between 2000 and 2011. Our analyses highlight the comparative weakness of the Commission’s policy influence, despite its formal monopoly of legislative initiation. In this way, we argue for a need to carefully differentiate between technical and political agenda setters when evaluating the policy influence of different political actors.

Strategic Territorial Power-Sharing and Multi-Party Bargaining in Civil Wars

2020 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Wakako Maekawa
Keyword(s):  
Civil Wars ◽  
National Policy ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Positive Effects ◽  
Trade Offs ◽  
The Status ◽  
Positive Externality ◽  
The Government

AbstractTerritorial power-sharing arrangements in civil wars face trade-offs between broadening inclusions and dangers of secession. This article argues that in civil wars over a government, the commitment problem is overcome as secession is not in its political agenda, however, the central concern pertains to the issues that arise in policymaking. Granting autonomy at the subnational level leads to peace without weakening the central authority. In addition, in bargaining over policies with multiple conflict parties, a government strategically makes concessions of territorial power-sharing to retain the status quo of national policy and positions in the government in a situation where dominance by one party is not attainable. It signals a government’s less resolute attitude in accommodating additional rebel groups. Hence, territorial power-sharing entails positive externality. This article finds that in civil wars over a government, at a dyad level, the positive effects of territorial power-sharing in peace decreases over time. Instead, the likelihood of a peace agreement with another rebel group increases. The results imply that the effectiveness of the autonomy arrangement depends on strategic concessions and broader future inclusions.

scholarly journals Lessons for welfare reform from the United Kingdom

2011 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Nolan
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
New Zealand ◽  
Welfare Reform ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
Final Report ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Cost ◽  
Welfare Reforms

Welfare reform is high on the political agenda in both New Zealand and the United Kingdom. In New Zealand an independent welfare working group has released its final report and the prime minister, John Key, signalled that the government would consider its findings. In the United Kingdom the secretary of state for work and pensions, Iain Duncan Smith, has outlined plans to radically reduce the cost and complexity of working-aged benefits and to increase the involvement of the private sector in the delivery of services. This article compares welfare reform in New Zealand and the UK. Such a comparison is of interest given the similar social policy traditions in the two countries and similarities and differences in the approaches taken to their welfare reforms. There are also important lessons – on what to do and on what not to do – that the countries can learn from each other.

scholarly journals THE NEGATIVE IMPACT OF THE COVID-19 ON ECONOMICS (ON THE EXAMPLE OF GEORGIA)

2020 ◽  
pp. 210-217
Author(s):  
NIKA ASANIDZE
Keyword(s):  
Global Economy ◽  
Negative Impact ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Bank Loans ◽  
Vulnerable Groups ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
Sharp Drop ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Cost ◽  
The Impact

Assessing the impact of the COVID-19 crisis on societies, economies and vulnerable groups is fundamental to inform and tailor the responses of governments and partners to recover from the crisis and ensure that no one is left behind in this effort. The world is facing the dangers posed by the global spread of the new COVID-19 which has created new set of problems for the economy. The Crisis has caused many difficulties for Georgia and its economy. The impact of the new virus is rippling through Georgian economy, but it might take a few months to fully see the fallout in data that track economic performance in Georgia. The coronavirus pandemic is putting enormous pressure on healthcare systems, it is affecting the global economy in an unprecedented way and it is leading to a downturn incomparable to any other economic crisis in recent history. It is hard to estimate the depth and duration of the recession for every region and country. It will depend not only on the development of pandemic, but also on specific economic futures, strengths and vulnerabilities. Today the economy is a hostage to medicine. In Georgia, had on the following industries: tourism, transportation, agriculture and real estate had the biggest negative impact from COVID-19. Hotels, restaurants and tourist agencies demand from the government to postpone the budget taxes and bank loans. Meanwhile the hospitality sector of Georgia tries to minimize the cost because of sharp drop in revenue. Different countries will need different responses to dealing with the global economic challenges. As a fact COVID-19 has taught many countries to survive during the crisis period. From the economic stand point of view, every country has suffered the negative consequences of the COVID-19. The level of the consequences had direct correlation on the economic factors.

The Growing Importance of Issue Competition: The Changing Nature of Party Competition in Western Europe

2007 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 607-628 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christoffer Green-Pedersen
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Party Competition ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
Extensive Literature ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Focusing Events ◽  
Western European ◽  
Issue Competition

Changes in Western European political parties in general have attracted considerable scholarly interest, whereas changes in party competition have been almost overlooked in an otherwise extensive literature. Using the party manifesto data set, this article documents that party competition in Western Europe is increasingly characterised by issue competition, i.e. competition for the content of the party political agenda. What should be the most salient issues for voters: unemployment, the environment, refugees and immigrants, law and order, the welfare state or foreign policy? This change is crucial because it raises a question about the factors determining the outcome of issue competition. Is it the structure of party competition itself or more unpredictable factors, such as media attention, focusing events or skilful political communication? The two answers to this question have very different implications for the understanding of the role of political parties in today's Western European democracies.

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