Anarchism and the American Counter-Culture

1970 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 430-455 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Lerner

NINE YEARS AGO GEORGE WOOD SURVEYED THE ‘GHOST OF THE historical anarchist movement’ and concluded that there was ‘no reasonable likelihood of a renaissance’. History showed that ‘the movements which fail to take the chances it offers them are never born again’. Seven years later, when identifiably anarchist tendencies re-emerged in the youth movements in England and Holland, Woodcock wondered ‘whether I had been rash in so officiously burying the historic anarchist movement’. He decided. that he had not been rash because of the differences between the new anarchists and the old. The new anarchists represented no ‘knock in the coffin’ but ‘a new manifestation of the [anarchist] idea’.Woodcock described the new anarchists as ‘militant pacifists’ who had ‘forgotten Spain and had no use for the old romanticism of the dinamitero and the petroleuse’. He pointed to the difference between the old days when one ‘joined’ an anarchist party and the current situation in which the young ‘became’ anarchists. Finally, Woodcock discerned no obvious signs of an anarchist revival in the United States.

2010 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
John F Cogan ◽  
R. Glenn Hubbard ◽  
Daniel Kessler

In this paper, we use publicly available data from the Medical Expenditure Panel Survey - Insurance Component (MEPS-IC) to investigate the effect of Massachusetts' health reform plan on employer-sponsored insurance premiums. We tabulate premium growth for private-sector employers in Massachusetts and the United States as a whole for 2004 - 2008. We estimate the effect of the plan as the difference in premium growth between Massachusetts and the United States between 2006 and 2008—that is, before versus after the plan—over and above the difference in premium growth for 2004 to 2006. We find that health reform in Massachusetts increased single-coverage employer-sponsored insurance premiums by about 6 percent, or $262. Although our research design has important limitations, it does suggest that policy makers should be concerned about the consequences of health reform for the cost of private insurance.


Criminologie ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marc Alain

The professional smuggling of mass consumption products develops when demand for a product is not adequately fulfilled by the legitimate market. The difficulties encountered in supplying are, in most contemporary cases, caused by real rarity of the desired product. For other cases, however, the rarity is largely virtual in that government taxes aimed at the product in question lead to increasing the product's price to a prohibitive end. This was the case with cigarettes in Canada between 1985 and 1994. Before both, the federal and provincial, governments decided to drastically decrease cigarette taxes in February 1994, the price for a pack of cigarettes was five to six times higher than the same product in the United States. This article begins with a brief review of the contribution made by economists in regard to contemporary smuggling. Focus will be aimed at common characteristics of the smuggling phenomenon across the world. Elements which are more particular to the Canadian smuggling situation will be identified as well. While the difference in the price of cigarettes between Canada and the United States would seem to be the undeniable driving force behind the development of smuggling activities at the countries ' border, one key question remains unexplained. Why was the volume of contraband unequally distributed across Canada even though the price of cigarettes remained largely consistent throughout all provinces? The level of organization of smuggling networks was much higher in Eastern Canada, and particularly in Quebec, than it was in the western provinces. It is argued that the reasons for this are not only due to price, but to a series of political, historical, and geographical factors which allowed cigarette smugglers to function better in Quebec than in the rest of the country.


1987 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 104-119 ◽  
Author(s):  
James W. Nickel

The United States has never been culturally or religiously homogeneous, but its diversity has greatly increased over the last century. Although the U.S. was first a multicultural nation through conquest and enslavement, its present diversity is due equally to immigration. In this paper I try to explain the difference it makes for one area of thought and policy – equal opportunity – if we incorporate cultural and religious pluralism into our national self-image. Formulating and implementing a policy of equal opportunity is more difficult in diverse, pluralistic countries than it is in homogeneous ones. My focus is cultural and religious diversity in the United States, but my conclusions will apply to many other countries – including ones whose pluralism is found more in religion than in culture.


1975 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 18-21
Author(s):  
Gerald J. Bender

In addition to our discussions today of the current situation in Angola, I would like to direct my remarks to the question of what role, if any, the United States should play with regard to Angola, and concretely, how the Congress can assist in the formulation and execution of a responsible American policy toward Angola. We have all learned a number of important lessons from recent revelations about the conduct of American policy in Southeast Asia, about Government coverups such as Watergate, corporate bribery of foreign officials and political parties, and about the illegal and unacceptable activities of the CIA as described in the Rockefeller Commission report and elsewhere. Certainly we can apply some of these lessons to our present consideration of U.S. policy toward Angola; hopefully we will learn the vital facts and ask the necessary questions now, rather than, as has too often been the case, after the fact.


2008 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 267-292 ◽  
Author(s):  
Regina Madalozzo

Unmarried cohabitation has become a more frequently observed phenomenon over the last three decades, and not only in the United States. The objective of this work is to examine income differentials between married women and those who remain single or cohabitate. The empirical literature shows that, while the marriage premium is verified in different studies for men, the result for women is not conclusive. The main innovation of my study is the existence of controls for selection. In this study, we have two sources of selectivity: into the labor force and into a marital status category. The switching regressions and the Oaxaca decomposition results demonstrate the existence of a significant penalty for marriage. Correcting for both types of selection, the difference in wages varies between 49% and 53%, when married women are compared with cohabiting ones, and favors non-married women. This result points to the existence of a marriage penalty.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Nanda Alfarina ◽  
Hasdi Aimon

This study aims to determine the effect of monetary policy measured by the central bank’s policy rate (X1) on portfolio investment (Y) in Indonesia and United States in the long run. The data used are secondary data seouced from SEKI BI, FRED The FEd, coinmarketcap.com, and investing.com, with the VECM (Vector Error Correction Mechanism) analysis methode. The study show The study shows the differences between the results that occur in Indonesia and the United States. The policy interest rate has a significant positive effect on portfolio investment in the long run in Indonesia, while in the United States the interest rate in the long run has a significant negative effect on portfolio investment. The difference in research results between the two countries shows the need for different treatment for monetary authorities in encouraging portfolio investment 


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  

Americans typically view the United States as a democracy and are rightly proud of that. Of course, as those of a more precise nature, along with smug college students enrolled in introductory American government classes, are quick to point out, the United States is technically a republic. This is a bit too clever by half since James Madison, in The Federalist Papers, defined a republic the way most people think of a democracy—a system of representative government with elections: “[The]… difference between a Democracy and a Republic are, first the delegation of the Government, in the latter, to a small number of citizens elected by the rest.” What the framers thought of as democracy is today referred to as direct democracy, the belief that citizens should have more direct control over governing. The Athenian assembly was what the framers, Madison in particular, saw as the paragon of direct democracy—and as quite dangerous. While direct democracy has its champions, most Americans equate democracy with electing officials to do the business of government.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
1987 ◽  
Vol 79 (5) ◽  
pp. 836-837
Author(s):  
GERALD KATZMAN

To the Editor.— There have been several attempts to define the person-power needs for neonatologists in the United States.1-3 The reports by Merenstein et al2 and the AAP Committee on Fetus and Newborn1 maintain that there is presently an adequate number of neonatologists, whereas in a 1981 editorial, Robertson3 predicted increasing shortages of neonatologists. Why the difference between the conclusions? My answer to this question is that the reports by Merenstein et al and the AAP used calculated ratios of neonatologists to live births or lengths of stay, whereas the Robertson editorial expressed concern about the critical care needs of the physiologically unstable neonate.


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