The American Election: Towards Constitutional Democracy?

1981 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-18 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harvey C. Mansfield

THE AMERICAN PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION JUST HELD APPEARS to have been a momentous event. It was the greatest repudiation of an incumbent president and party in America since that of Hoover and the Republicans in 1931. Predicted by no one — by neither political scientist, pollster nor politician — this was as much a surprise to joyful Republicans as to luckless Democrats. The voters had not discussed the matter much, except in deprecatory terms borrowed from the media, and on the morning after they too looked around among themselves with wonder and satisfaction.It could hardly be believed, as Carter's pollster asserted, that everyone turned to Reagan on the last day when the hostages held in Iran failed to appear. Something so considerable must have been meditated, or at least prepared; and this misfortune for Carter does not explain why the Democratic Senators, who were not involved with Iran, were voted out. Perhaps the large number of ‘undecideds’ were Reagan voters, too embarrassed to confess their decision to callers they suspected were unsympathetic. Or perhaps — a wishful fantasy of mine — the voters deliberately did not disclose their intention to the pollsters since they knew that sovereignty stays alive only with an occasional surprise. The voters may have sensed that they can be exploited if they can be predicted.

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 114-133

Since the 2016 U.S. presidential election, attacks on the media have been relentless. “Fake news” has become a household term, and repeated attempts to break the trust between reporters and the American people have threatened the validity of the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. In this article, the authors trace the development of fake news and its impact on contemporary political discourse. They also outline cutting-edge pedagogies designed to assist students in critically evaluating the veracity of various news sources and social media sites.


Author(s):  
Yochai Benkler ◽  
Robert Faris ◽  
Hal Roberts

This chapter examines the claim that alt-right activists hacked the media ecosystem byinserting various destructive memes into the mainstream media that helped DonaldTrump win the 2016 presidential election. In particular, this chapter considers thepropaganda pipeline—the path from the periphery to the core through a series ofwell-known amplifi cation sites, most prominently Infowars and Drudge. Th e “spiritcooking” stories as seen on Infowars, Washington Times, and Sean Hannity perfectlyencapsulate the propaganda pipeline from the periphery to the core, drawingin the various suspects in producing information disorder. Th e chapter also showshow statements by marginal actors on Reddit and 4chan were collated and preparedfor propagation by more visible sites, and how this technique was exploited by bothalt-right and Russia-related actors successfully to get a story from the periphery toHannity.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (01) ◽  
pp. 310
Author(s):  
Efriza Efriza

This paper attempts to re-unravel the results of the 1945 amendment in analyzing the development and division in Indonesia, highlighting democracy and the people between the President's choice directly with the President's choice through the MPR, and addressing the 1945 Constitution amendment as the basis of the spirit of constitutional democracy in Indonesia. The results of this study clearly explain that democracy in Indonesia is more favorable based on the results of the 1945 Amendment and the Presidential Election directly and better and as part of the implementation of constitutional democracy in a more comprehensive manner.Keywords: Voters, Political Parties, Presidential Election, MPR and Constitutional Democracy 


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-41
Author(s):  
Muhammad Lukman Ihsanuddin

This research was conducted in order to find out the objectivity of the media in delivering news of the 2019 presidential election dispute in the Republic of Indonesia. The research method used is qualitative using Robert N. Entman's framing approach. Sources of data in this study are primary data, data obtained from the Java post coverage from the 18 June to 28 June 2019 edition, and secondary data in the form of writing about Java post and books relating to Robert N. Entman's framing analysis. The results of his research are 1) The reporting written by journalists uses two depictions of moral values, namely positive values and negative values. Positive values are often raised to describe the actions of the Constitutional Court, KPU and candidate pair 01 JokowiMa'ruf Amin, while negative values are often raised against the depictions of the candidate pair 02 Prabowo-Sandi. Almost all news texts written by journalists describe the weak position of candidate pair 02 due to the weakness of the arguments submitted and the evidence and witnesses provided cannot be accounted for, even it is reported that candidate pair 02 has also submitted witnesses who provided false statements. The second aspect is regarding the position of Jawa Pos in reporting disputes over the results of the 2019 presidential election. Journalists in Jawa Pos felt less balanced in reporting the conflict. This can be seen from the emphasis which is indirectly more favorable for the position of candidate pair Jokowi-Ma'ruf Amin compared with candidate pair 02 Prabowo-Sandi. Almost all news taken as objects of study in this study tend to prioritize Jokowi-Ma'ruf Amin and marginalize Prabowo-Sandi's position.Candidate 01Jokowi-Ma'ruf Amin is depicted as a disadvantaged party by submitting the dispute of the 2019 presidential election results to the constitutional line while pair 02 of Prabowo-Sandi is described as a guilty party and does not have a strong basis to prove his allegations regarding fraud committed by the paslon 01 Jokowi-Ma'ruf Amin. 2) the reporting of postal Javanese journalists in reporting the 2019 Presidential Election Dispute conflict, lacking balance in presenting information, tended to support the candidate pair 1 Jokowi-Ma'ruf Amin. Keywords: Framing, 2019 Presidential Election Dispute, Newspaper, Jawa Pos Penelitian ini dilakukan dalama rangka ingin mengetahui objektifitas media dalam menyampaikan berita sengketa pilpres tahun 2019 di Republik Indonesia. Dalam penelitian ini mengungakan metode kualitatif dengan menggunakan pendekatan framing Robert. N. Entman. Sumber data dalam penelitian ini adalah data primer, data yang didapatkan dari pemberitaan Jawa pos dari edisi 18 Juni sampai 28 Juni 2019,dan data sekunder berupatulisan mengenai Jawa pos serta buku-buku yang berkaitan dengan analisisframing Robert. N. Entman. Hasil penelitiannya yaitu 1) Pemberitaan yang ditulis wartawan menggunakan dua penggambaran nilai moral, yaitu nilai positif dan nilai negatif. Nilai positif sering dimunculkan terhadap penggambaran tindakan MK, KPU dan paslon 01 Jokowi-Ma’ruf Amin, sedangkan nilai negatif sering dimunculkan terhadap penggambaran tindakan paslon 02 Prabowo-Sandi. Hampir seluruh teks berita yang wartawan tulis mengambarkan lemahnya posisi paslon 02 karena tidak kuatnya dalil-dalil yang diajukan serta bukti-bukti dan saksi yang diberikan tidak dapat dipertanggungjawabkan, bahkan diberitakan bahwa paslon 02 juga telah mengajukan saksi yang memberikan keterangan palsu. Aspek kedua adalah mengenai posisi Jawa Pos dalam memberitakan sengketa hasil pilpres 2019.Wartawan Jawa Pos dirasa kurang berimbang dalam memberitakan konflik tersebut. Hal ini dapat dilihat dari penekanan yang secara tidak langsung lebih menguntungkan posisi paslon 01 Jokowi-Ma’ruf Amin dibanding dengan paslon 02 Prabowo-Sandi. Hampir seluruh berita yang diambil sebagai objek kajian dalam penelitian ini cenderung mengutamakan pihak Jokowi-Ma’ruf Amin dan memarjinalkan posisi Prabowo-Sandi. Paslon 01 Jokowi-Ma’ruf Amin digambarkan sebagai pihak yang dirugikan dengan adanya pengajuan sengketa hasil pilpres 2019 ke jalur konstitusi sedangkan paslon 02 Prabowo-Sandi digambarkan sebagai pihak yang bersalah dan tidak memiliki dasar yang kuat untuk membuktikan tuduhannya mengenai kecurangan yang telah dilakukan oleh paslon 01 Jokowi-Ma’ruf Amin. 2) pemberitaan wartawan Jawa pos dalam memberitakan konflik Sengketa Pilpres Tahun 2019, kurang berimbang dalam menyuguhkan informasi, cenderung mendukung pada paslon 1 Jokowi-Ma’ruf Amin. Kata Kunci: Framing, Sengketa Pilpres 2019, Surat Kabar, Jawa Pos


KRITIS ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 10-26
Author(s):  
Budi Sulistiyo ◽  
Sri Suwartiningsih

The term novice voters are regarded toHigh School Students, College Students, or worker who is between 17 to 21 years old and never been participate or vote in the election. This definition is hand in hand with the law number 10 - 2008, regarding genera election that define the minimum or condition of the voter (article 19:1). Novice voters are characterized as educated, critical, independent, fashionable, adaptable, and like to learn new things. Before the Indonesia Presidential Election in 2014, the media were intensively relay informations on the president and vice president candidates. The media have important part indelivering information and knowledge for the citizens about the election. Newspaper, magazines, radio and television are believed to be the most vital part in the politic democracy system.The  study used the Kultivation Theory Analysis, which focus on how the influence of media to the citizens through the news that were broadcasted in the television continuously. This is a descriptive qualitative study which means to describe the role of media especially television that affect the perspective and the novice voters’ attitude toward 2014 the presidential election. The result of this study showed that the role of television staton, especially the Metro TV and TV One were  vital, because novice voters whit their limited knowledge about election, gain informations through those Metro TV and TV One to gain knowledge and information about the 2014 presidential election. As the result, the media is capable to affect the novice voters’ point of view to actively participate as voters in the 2014 presidential election.


Plaridel ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 285-295
Author(s):  
Yvonne Chua ◽  
Jake Soriano

Elections are fertile ground for disinformation. The 2019 midterm elections, like the 2016 presidential election, buttress this observation. This ugly side of electoral contests is documented by Tsek.ph, a pioneering collaborative fact-checking initiative launched by three universities and eleven newsrooms specifically for the midterms. Its repository of fact checks provides valuable insights into the nature of electoral disinformation before, during and after the elections. Clearly, electoral disinformation emanates from candidates and supporters alike, on conventional (e.g., speeches and sorties) and digital (e.g., social media) platforms. Its wide range of victims includes the media no less.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Edo Pratama Putra

The General Election was held in 2019 with the KPU as the organizer on April 17, 2019. Among the tasks of the KPU was the dissemination of General Elections to remote areas throughout Indonesia. Remote areas are the main concern of the KPU in an effort to increase election participation in 2019, because remote areas are one of the biggest contributors to the Golput number in the 2014 elections. One of the remote areas with very low participation rates is Tegal Rejo Village, Gedang Sari District, Gunung Kidul Regency. This village is located in a hilly area which is one of the disaster prone areas. Tegal Rejo village has not received socialization from the Gunung Kidul Regency KPU and many villagers are still not informed about the 2019 Presidential Election. From the problems that occur, the author finds a solution to the problem by making an "Infographic Design as a Media Supporting the Socialization of KPU to Remote Areas". As for this design contains information on Election 2019, such as the introduction of candidates in the form of profiles of each prospective president and vice president, procedures for voting, time and place of execution until the conditions become a Permanent Voters List (DPT). And the media created will be given to the KPU to be the material for dissemination to remote areas in Indonesia.


Author(s):  
Timothy J. Minchin

The chapter explores the difficult period between Solidarity Day and the 1984 presidential election. Facing a hostile political climate and an ongoing economic recession, the AFL-CIO tried to continue fighting back. In 1982, 1983, and 1984, Kirkland organized Solidarity Day II, III, and IV, and all were large marches. There were some significant internal reforms, as Kirkland oversaw the continued diversification of the Executive Council. Other changes strove to improve the AFL-CIO’s image in the media and to increase communication with members. Kirkland also launched a major organizing campaign in Houston, a brave effort in hostile territory. Continuing to see itself as a “People’s Lobby,” the Federation had some success in defending important social programs, particularly Social Security. Overall, however, Kirkland’s reforms did not go far enough, and union density declined at a rapid rate in these years. President Reagan also won re-election easily in 1984, placing the AFL-CIO and its members further under fire.


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