scholarly journals Risk stratification of individuals with low-risk colorectal adenomas using clinical characteristics: a pooled analysis

Gut ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 66 (3) ◽  
pp. 446-453 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samir Gupta ◽  
Elizabeth T Jacobs ◽  
John A Baron ◽  
David A Lieberman ◽  
Gwen Murphy ◽  
...  

ObjectiveFor individuals with 1–2 small (<1 cm) low-risk colorectal adenomas, international guidelines range from no surveillance to offering surveillance colonoscopy in 5–10 years. We hypothesised that the risks for metachronous advanced neoplasia (AN) among patients with low-risk adenomas differ based on clinical factors distinct from those currently used.DesignWe pooled data from seven prospective studies to assess the risk of metachronous AN. Two groups with 1–2 small adenomas were defined based on guidelines from the UK (n=4516) or the European Union (EU)/US (n=2477).ResultsAbsolute risk of metachronous AN ranged from a low of 2.9% to a high of 12.2%, depending on specific risk factor and guideline used. For the UK group, the highest absolute risks for metachronous AN were found among individuals with a history of prior polyp (12.2%), villous histology (12.2%), age ≥70 years (10.9%), high-grade dysplasia (10.9%), any proximal adenoma (10.2%), distal and proximal adenoma (10.8%) or two adenomas (10.1%). For the EU/US group, the highest absolute risks for metachronous AN were among individuals with a history of prior polyp (11.5%) or the presence of both proximal and distal adenomas (11.0%). In multivariate analyses, strong associations for increasing age and history of prior polyps and odds of metachronous AN were observed, whereas more modest associations were shown for baseline proximal adenomas and those with villous features.ConclusionsRisks of metachronous AN among individuals with 1–2 small adenomas vary according to readily available clinical characteristics. These characteristics may be considered for recommending colonoscopy surveillance and require further investigation.

Author(s):  
Nigel Foster

This chapter examines the history of the establishment and development of the European Union (EU). It discusses the underlying motives for its founding, which include the desire for peace, security against the rising threat from the Soviet Union, and economic development. It describes the changing relationship of the UK with the EU, particularly in view of the Brexit decision, and suggests that the origins of the Union can be traced from the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) and the European Economic Community (EEC). This chapter also explains the roles and obligations of the EU in managing the external relations of its members, particularly in international trade.


Fisheries ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (2) ◽  
pp. 24-28
Author(s):  
Kamil Bekyashev ◽  
Damir Bekyashev

On January 31, 2020, Great Britain left the European Union (EU) and was given the opportunity to pursue an independent fishing policy. In this regard, the article considers the legal and political aspects of possible cooperation between the Russian Federation and the United Kingdom in the field of fisheries. An information on the state of the UK fishing industry is provided; the legal aspects of the UK exit from the EU in the context of fisheries are analyzed; the history of relations as well as the prospects for cooperation between Russia and the UK in the field of fisheries is considered. The authors have developed recommendations on the political and legal support of the fishery interests of the Russian Federation in relations with the UK.


2021 ◽  
pp. 397-422
Author(s):  
Nigel Foster

The history of the relationship between the United Kingdom and the European Union from its beginning has been, if nothing else, a very vacillating one, and even at the beginning, the UK was a ‘reluctant’ partner in the European project. This chapter will outline the changing legal and political relationship before, during, and after ‘Brexit’, as the negotiations for the UK’s withdrawal from the European Union (EU) came to be known. The departure, on 31 January 2020, and complete separation on 31 December 2020, placed the UK as a third country to the EU as regards its new trading relationship, is also considered.


2021 ◽  
pp. 99-125
Author(s):  
Kent Jones

This chapter discusses the role Europe’s long history of conflict over geography, religion, and national identity, as well as its aristocratic traditions, on modern European populism. The Brexit referendum gave direct electoral voice to the accumulated resentments of populist forces in the United Kingdom against EU rules administered by what its supporters regarded as an elite bureaucracy in Brussels. Their concerns, mainly over budgetary and regulatory issues, overrode the prospect of losing trade benefits from the EU single market. Elsewhere in the European Union populist parties continue to be active, and many of them are Euroskeptic, based largely on immigration and monetary issues. Many right-wing and left-wing populist parties in particular tend to favor protectionism, but will not be in a position to challenge centralized EU trade policy until they gain power in large EU countries. The UK exit from the European Union will weaken a prominent pro-trade voice in the EU Council of Ministers.


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 259-264 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ania Plomien

The United Kingdom has a long history of a fraught relationship with the European Union, a discomfort demonstrated in the 23 June 2016 referendum on the membership of the EU, in which the UK voted to leave with nearly 52 per cent majority vote. Among the key concerns underlying UK's unease with EU are the interrelated areas of the economy, polity, and society. However, public debate surrounding the event focused on a relatively narrow range of issues. The two official campaigns representing the choice in the referendum, ‘Vote Leave, take control’ and ‘Britain Stronger in Europe’, were marshalled either to support Eurosceptic feelings or to emphasise the benefits of access to the Single Market. Commonplace convictions that the EU is responsible for that which is negative, inconvenient, or difficult to explain circulated alongside (though less frequently than) the recognition of the economic privileges and opportunities that come from EU membership. The political, economic and social concerns were encapsulated in themes of taking power back from Brussels, redirecting resources from the UK's contributions to the EU budget towards nationally determined projects (most famously allocating £350 million a week for the National Health Service), and effective border control to significantly curb migration. Contradictory claims about the EU and the UK's affiliation with it were further complicated by the fact that divisions over the support for or opposition to Britain's withdrawal spanned the whole political spectrum.


2021 ◽  
pp. 399-430
Author(s):  
Kenneth A Armstrong

(Br)Exit from the European Union offers a novel interpretation of the United Kingdom’s withdrawal from the European Union (EU). Rather than emphasizing the rupture and the exceptionalism of ‘Brexit’, this chapter argues that much can be understood about the evolution of EU law through the experience of the UK’s membership and eventual withdrawal from the EU. Section A evaluates whether the legal history of its membership—its encounter with EU rule-making and adjudication—can explain the UK’s preference for a ‘differentiated membership’ of the EU and eventual demands for control over its own laws. Section B focuses on the Article 50 TEU withdrawal process. It underscores that compliance with ‘constitutional requirements’ throughout the Article 50 process evidences co-evolution of the EU and domestic constitutional and legal orders even up to the moment of withdrawal. Section C projects forward to the evolving future relationship. It suggests that as the UK asserts its sovereignty outside of EU legal and institutional disciplines, the EU wants protection for its own autonomy.


Author(s):  
Andrii Hrubinko

The article analyzes the achievements of Russian historical science in examining of scientific problem of the UK’s participation in the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union. The author splits the scientific publications of Russian researchers into three groups: 1) general works on the history of the formation CFSP of the EU; 2) those on the history of the country’s participation in European integration as a separate direction of foreign policy; 3) works specifically investigating the participation of Great Britain in CFSP of the EU. In conclusions, a list of leading research academic and university centers of Russia for the research of this problem is given. The conclusions as well comprise a list of scientific issues which often publish articles on European politics of Great Britain. The critical analysis of the illumination of the proposed topic delivered in the publications of Russian historians is presented. It is noted that the issue of participation the UK in Common Foreign and Security Policy as a relatively new and specific direction of the EU development is a part of the research topics of the Russian historians, however, it hasn’t become a priority and remains insufficiently developed. This is evidenced by the absence of any kind of special publications. The historical experience of participation of the UK in developing and implementing the CFSP of the EU in the Russian historiography was mainly covered in the general context position of the British government in relation to the European integration. In the publications avaluable, the analysis of the theoretical-conceptual basics and strategic approaches of the British government to the foreign policy component of the European integration at different stages of its development remains predominant. The issues of participation of the official London in the specific projects of the EU’s foreign policy are insufficiently explored. The history of the country’s Eastern European policy is barely covered as well. The issues of participation of the Royal Armed Forces in the civil and military missions of the EU and military-technical cooperation states of the Union are unexplored either. The issues touching upon the policy of Gordon Brown’s and David Cameron’s governments on the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy are virtually unexplored.


Author(s):  
Johann P. Arnason

Different understandings of European integration, its background and present problems are represented in this book, but they share an emphasis on historical processes, geopolitical dynamics and regional diversity. The introduction surveys approaches to the question of European continuities and discontinuities, before going on to an overview of chapters. The following three contributions deal with long-term perspectives, including the question of Europe as a civilisational entity, the civilisational crisis of the twentieth century, marked by wars and totalitarian regimes, and a comparison of the European Union with the Habsburg Empire, with particular emphasis on similar crisis symptoms. The next three chapters discuss various aspects and contexts of the present crisis. Reflections on the Brexit controversy throw light on a longer history of intra-Union rivalry, enduring disputes and changing external conditions. An analysis of efforts to strengthen the EU’s legal and constitutional framework, and of resistances to them, highlights the unfinished agenda of integration. A closer look at the much-disputed Islamic presence in Europe suggests that an interdependent radicalization of Islamism and the European extreme right is a major factor in current political developments. Three concluding chapters adopt specific regional perspectives. Central and Eastern European countries, especially Poland, are following a path that leads to conflicts with dominant orientations of the EU, but this also raises questions about Europe’s future. The record of Scandinavian policies in relation to Europe exemplifies more general problems faced by peripheral regions. Finally, growing dissonances and divergences within the EU may strengthen the case for Eurasian perspectives.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (5) ◽  
pp. 509-514
Author(s):  
Binayak Sinha ◽  
Samit Ghosal

Background and Aims: A number of significant positive and negative signals emerged from the CANVAS Program and CREDENCE trial with the use of canagliflozin. These signals are confusing. A Likelihood of being Helped of Harmed (LHH) analysis was conducted to determine the risk, benefit ratio associated with canagliflozin use and address the signals as a continuum. Materials &Methods: LHH was calculated from the number needed to treat (NNT) and number needed to harm (NNH) available from the absolute risk reductions reported with the outcomes of interest, in these two trials. Results: In the CANVAS Program, LHH for major adverse cardiovascular events (MACE) points at a significant benefit with canagliflozin use in comparison to amputation (1.65), fractures (1.65) and euglycaemic diabetic ketoacidosis (euDKA) (16.67) risks. Only genital fungal infections were significant more in both sexes (0.21-M and 0.1-F) when LHH was matched against the positive outcomes. In contrast, the hHF benefits were outweighed by amputation (0.95) and fracture risks (0.95). : In CREDENCE trial, the LHH for Primary composite, Renal composite and MACE, all supported the benefits in comparison to any adverse events encountered in the trial. : The LHH from pooled data (CANVAS Program and CREDENCE trial) was in favour of all the benefits (hHF and renal composites) except for MACE matched against amputation (0.66). Conclusion: The outcome benefits were in favour of canagliflozin in comparison to all reported adverse events, when hHF and renal composite were under consideration, in both the individual and pooled LHH analysis. However, the MACE benefits were overwhelmed by amputation risk in the pooled analysis.


This book provides the first comprehensive analysis of the withdrawal agreement concluded between the United Kingdom and the European Union to create the legal framework for Brexit. Building on a prior volume, it overviews the process of Brexit negotiations that took place between the UK and the EU from 2017 to 2019. It also examines the key provisions of the Brexit deal, including the protection of citizens’ rights, the Irish border, and the financial settlement. Moreover, the book assesses the governance provisions on transition, decision-making and adjudication, and the prospects for future EU–UK trade relations. Finally, it reflects on the longer-term challenges that the implementation of the 2016 Brexit referendum poses for the UK territorial system, for British–Irish relations, as well as for the future of the EU beyond Brexit.


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