scholarly journals HOW DIFFERENT HOMOPHILY PREFERENCES MITIGATE AND SPUR ETHNIC AND VALUE SEGREGATION: SCHELLING’S MODEL EXTENDED

2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (06n07) ◽  
pp. 1850026
Author(s):  
ROCCO PAOLILLO ◽  
JAN LORENZ

In Schelling’s segregation model, agents of two ethnic groups reside in a regular grid and aim to live in a neighborhood that matches the minimum desired fraction of members of the same ethnicity. The model shows that observed segregation can emerge from people interacting under spatial constraints following homophily preferences. Even mild preferences can generate high degrees of segregation at the macro level. In modern, ethnically diverse societies, people might not define similarity based on ethnicity. Instead, shared tolerance towards ethnic diversity might play a more significant role, impacting segregation and integration in societies. With this consideration, we extend Schelling’s model by dividing the population of agents into value-oriented and ethnicity-oriented agents. Using parameter sweeping, we explore the consequences that the mutual adaptation of these two types of agents has on ethnic segregation, value segregation, and population density in the neighborhood. We examine for equally sized ethnic groups and for majority–minority conditions. The introduction of value-oriented agents reduces total ethnic segregation compared to Schelling’s original model, but the new value segregation appears to be more pronounced than ethnic segregation. Due to spillover effects, stronger ethnic homophily preferences lead not only to greater ethnic segregation, but also to more value segregation. Stronger value-orientation of the tolerant agents similarly leads to increased ethnic segregation of the ethnicity-oriented agents. Also, value-oriented agents tend to live in neighborhoods with more agents than ethnicity-oriented agents. In majority–minority settings, such effects appear to be more drastic for the minority than the majority ethnicity.

2017 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 217-239 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amanda Lea Robinson

AbstractEthnic diversity is generally associated with less social capital and lower levels of trust. However, most empirical evidence for this relationship is focused on generalized trust, rather than more theoretically appropriate measures of group-based trust. This article evaluates the relationship between ethnic diversity – at the national, regional and local levels – and the degree to which coethnics are trusted more than non-coethnics, a value referred to here as the ‘coethnic trust premium’. Using public opinion data from sixteen African countries, this study finds that citizens of ethnically diverse states express, on average, more ethnocentric trust. However, within countries, regional ethnic diversity is associated with less ethnocentric trust. This same negative pattern between diversity and ethnocentric trust appears across districts and enumeration areas within Malawi. The article then shows, consistent with these patterns, that diversity is only detrimental to intergroup trust at the national level when ethnic groups are spatially segregated. These results highlight the importance of the spatial distribution of ethnic groups on intergroup relations, and question the utility of micro-level studies of interethnic interactions for understanding macro-level group dynamics.


2015 ◽  
Vol 34 (6) ◽  
pp. 640-659 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lasse Lykke Rørbæk ◽  
Allan Toft Knudsen

While ethnically diverse countries are generally believed to be more violent than homogenous ones, previous research has been unable to establish a clear connection between ethnic diversity and violent repression. We argue that political authorities’ tendency to violently repress their citizens cannot be explained by the ethnic composition of society per se but by the power distribution between ethnic groups. In a global sample of countries for the period 1977–2010, we find statistical evidence that the level of violent repression increases with the share of the population excluded from state power on the basis of ethnic affiliation. We combine this with a case study of the Republic of Guinea and conclude that political authorities come to see excluded ethnic groups as threats and rely on violent repression to maintain their ethnic dominance.


2012 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-33
Author(s):  
Ádám Németh ◽  
Guntis Šolks

It is a well-known fact that the Baltic area is traditionally one of the most diverse regions of Europe in terms of ethnic concerns; we can observe in many settlements that four or even five religions have their own churches, cemeteries and at least as many ethnic groups are having their schools etc. Regarding geography literature, no generally accepted method has been applied yet to measure the population’s diversity and spatial segregation; in most cases only the number and ratio of ethnic groups were described. This research paper proposes a different approach: the adaptation of the so-called Simpson’s Diversity Index, based on probability theory and originally used by ecologists to measure biodiversity, to human geography. The study seeks the answers to: where, when, why and how has the Ethnic Diversity and Ethnic Segregation Index changed in Latvia during the first and second independence periods? What kind of spatial patterns are possible to observe on the basis of the transformation? The enormous data is processed by modern GIS software products and projected on thematic maps.


2017 ◽  
Vol 51 (9) ◽  
pp. 1111-1143 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Ejdemyr ◽  
Eric Kramon ◽  
Amanda Lea Robinson

This article demonstrates that ethnic segregation is a key determinant of local public goods provision. We argue that this results from politicians’ strategic engagement in ethnic favoritism: Only when ethnic groups are sufficiently segregated can elites efficiently target coethnics with local public goods. We test this expectation with fine-grained data from Malawi on the spatial distribution of ethnic groups, geolocated distributive goods (water wells), and the ethnic identities of political elites. We find that members of parliament provide more local public goods to their electoral districts when ethnic groups are geographically segregated but that this increased investment is primarily targeted toward coethnics. Thus, while segregation promotes overall public goods provision, it also leads to greater favoritism in the distribution of these goods. Our logic and evidence provide an elite-driven explanation for both the considerable variation in ethnic favoritism across contexts and the underprovision of public goods in ethnically diverse settings.


Author(s):  
Richard Harris ◽  
Ron Johnston

The book has examined ethnic segregation between English state schools and whether it has increased or decreased over the years since the last major data collection – the national Census of 2011. It has found that high levels of ethnic segregation do exist across schools between the majority White British population and some other ethnic groups such as the Bangladeshi and Pakistani, more so at the primary than secondary level of schooling, and more for those of greater affluence amongst the White British. However, the general trend has been towards desegregation and greater ethnic diversity within local authority areas and their schools. Because school intakes are broadly comparable in their ethnic composition to the characteristics of their surrounding neighbourhoods so as neighbourhoods have become more diverse so too have schools.


2018 ◽  
Vol 112 (3) ◽  
pp. 637-653 ◽  
Author(s):  
YUHKI TAJIMA ◽  
KRISLERT SAMPHANTHARAK ◽  
KAI OSTWALD

This article contributes to the study of ethnic diversity and public goods provision by assessing the role of the spatial distribution of ethnic groups. Through a new theory that we callspatial interdependence, we argue that the segregation of ethnic groups can reduce or even neutralize the “diversity penalty” in public goods provision that results from ethnic fractionalization. This is because local segregation allows communities to use disparities in the level of public goods compared with other communities as leverage when advocating for more public goods for themselves, thereby ratcheting up the level of public goods across communities. We test this prediction on highly disaggregated data from Indonesia and find strong support that, controlling for ethnic fractionalization, segregated communities have higher levels of public goods. This has an important and underexplored implication: decentralization disadvantages integrated communities vis-à-vis their more segregated counterparts.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sefa Awaworyi Churchill ◽  
Michael Danquah

We present the first study that examines the effects of ethnic diversity on informal work. Using two waves of data from the Ghana Socioeconomic Panel Survey, we find that ethnic diversity is associated with a higher probability of engaging in informal work. Specifically, our instrumental variable estimates suggest that a unit increase in ethnic diversity is associated with up to a 26.3 percentage point increase in the probability of engaging in informal work. This result is robust to alternative estimation approaches and alternative ways of measuring ethnic diversity. Our results also show that trust, which is lower in ethnically diverse neighbourhoods, is an important channel through which ethnic diversity operates to increase the probability of engaging in informal work. Our results point to the need for policies that promote trust between diverse ethnic groups in heterogeneous societies.


Author(s):  
Kimberley Fung-Loy ◽  
Anton Van Rompaey

AbstractIncome inequality has steadily increased in Suriname and it is considered to be at one of the highest levels in the Caribbean. This chapter analyses socio-economic and ethnic segregation between 2004 and 2012 in the Greater Paramaribo Region in Suriname. To investigate the link between income inequality and socio-economic segregation, occupation is used as a proxy for socio-economic status. The Dissimilarity Index is used to evaluate the level of segregation between different socio-economic and ethnic groups. The link between ethnicity and socio-economic status is also analysed. Results show that the highest level of socio-economic segregation exists between the higher socio-economic group (top occupational categories) and the lower socio-economic group (bottom occupational categories). It was also found that even though the Region is ethnically diverse, different ethnic groups tend to concentrate in different neighbourhoods. These segregated ethnicities are in turn linked to the higher and lower level socio-economic groups.


2001 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 209-237
Author(s):  
Ibrahim M. Aly ◽  
Maureen P. Sterling Gowing

This paper summarizes the results of an intercultural survey of an ethnically diverse group of students in a Canadian university commerce program. The sample self-reported the level of communications apprehension on the 24-item Personal Report of Communication Apprehension, which uses six questions in four communications settings to generate four subscores and one general score for communications apprehension (McCroskey, 1982). While prior research results showed that the level of communications apprehension varies among ethnic groups, our research results showed no significant variation.


Author(s):  
Meenaxi Barkataki-Ruscheweyh

The second chapter is a general introduction, both geographical as well as historical, to the ‘Tirap’ area where the Tangsa live in Assam. It also contains a description of the ethnic diversity of the area, where tribal groups such as the Tangsa, the Singpho, the Sema Naga and the Tai Phake live together with other communities such as the Nepali, the Ahoms and the Tea-tribes; Also discussed are the problems that the older tribal groups face as a result of the large number of new settlers coming to the area, the consequent gradual polarisation that is taking place there, and the state’s reaction to the prevailing situation, which finds expression in two events—first in the organization of the annual state-sponsored multi-ethnic Dihing-Patkai Festival in that area and secondly in the recent formation of a Development Council for eight ethnic groups (including the Tangsa). The coming of Baptist Christianity amongst the Tangsa and a brief summary of militant activities of the two insurgent organizations, the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) and the United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA), active in the region, are also discussed. The final section introduces the problems that arise due to the Assamese hegemonic attitudes towards the smaller ethnic groups living in Assam.


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