The public security test of Brazilian e-Voting system

Author(s):  
Rodrigo Cardoso Silva
2018 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 266-273
Author(s):  
Ivan S. Palitai

The article is devoted to the modern Russian party system. In the first part of the article, the author shows the historical features of the parties formation in Russia and analyzes the reasons for the low turnout in the elections to the State Duma in 2016. According to the author the institutional reasons consist in the fact that the majority of modern political parties show less and less ability to produce new ideas, and the search for meanings is conducted on the basis of the existing, previously proposed sets of options. Parties reduce the topic of self-identification in party rhetoric, narrowing it down to “branded” ideas or focusing on the image of the leader. In addition, the author shows the decrease in the overall political activity of citizens after the 2011 elections, and points out that the legislation amendments led to the reduction of the election campaigns duration and changes in the voting system itself. The second part of the article is devoted to the study of the psychological aspects of the party system. The author presents the results of the investigation of images of the parties as well as the results of the population opinion polls, held by the centers of public opinion study. On the basis of this data, the author concludes that according to the public opinion the modern party system is ineffective, and the parties don’t have real political weight, which leads to the decrease of the interest in their activities and confidence in them. The author supposes that all this may be the consequence of the people’s fatigue from the same persons in politics, but at the same time the electorate’s desire to see new participants in political processes is formulated rather vaguely, since, according to the people, this might not bring any positive changes.


2015 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 399 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrícia Verônica Pinheiro Sales Lima ◽  
Janaildo Soares de Sousa ◽  
Adauto Morais de Araújo Sobrinho ◽  
Jennifer Cícera dos Santos Faustino ◽  
Francisco Casimiro Filho

Os mecanismos de gestão da segurança pública são instrumentos administrativos que potencializam os resultados de políticas nessa área. É o caso dos Conselhos, Planos, Fundos e Secretarias Municipais de Segurança Pública, além das Guardas Municipais. O artigo tem como objetivo verificar se a adoção de tais mecanismos produz impacto nos indicadores de violência. Paratanto, foram construídos o Índice de Gestão Municipal da Segurança Pública e o Índice de Violência. A partir de análise de correlaçãoentre tais variáveis, aponta que o nível atual de adoção dos mecanismos de gestão avaliados é muito baixo em todas as unidades federativas do Brasil, e não consegue influenciar os níveis de violência. Conclui que, ao omitir-se de implementar mecanismos degestão da segurança pública, o poder municipal, como ente mais próximo da população, enfraquece uma estrutura administrativa quedeveria servir de base para as políticas públicas voltadas para a redução da violência no âmbito local.Palavras-chave: Poder municipal, gestão, políticas públicas, violência.MUNICIPAL MANAGEMENT OF THE PUBLIC SAFETY: responsibility of the Brazilian municipalities for combating violenceAbstract: Mechanisms of the public security management are administrative tools that have improved the policies results in this area. This is the case of the Councils, Plans, Funds and Public Safety Secretariats, besides Municipal Guards. The paper aims to verify whether the adoption of such mechanisms has impacts on the violence indicators. Therefore, were built the Municipal Public Security Management Index and Violence Index. From the analysis of correlation between these variables was observed that the present level of adoption of management mechanisms is very low in all federative units of Brazil, and does not influence the levels of violence. Concludes that to omit to implement mechanisms of public safety management, the municipal power, as nearest entity of the population, weakens the administrative structure which should be the basis of all local public security policies.Key words: Municipal government, management, public policies, violence.


Author(s):  
Yan Bai ◽  
Yihang Lou ◽  
Yongxing Dai ◽  
Jun Liu ◽  
Ziqian Chen ◽  
...  

Vehicle Re-Identification (ReID) has attracted lots of research efforts due to its great significance to the public security. In vehicle ReID, we aim to learn features that are powerful in discriminating subtle differences between vehicles which are visually similar, and also robust against different orientations of the same vehicle. However, these two characteristics are hard to be encapsulated into a single feature representation simultaneously with unified supervision. Here we propose a Disentangled Feature Learning Network (DFLNet) to learn orientation specific and common features concurrently, which are discriminative at details and invariant to orientations, respectively. Moreover, to effectively use these two types of features for ReID, we further design a feature metric alignment scheme to ensure the consistency of the metric scales. The experiments show the effectiveness of our method that achieves state-of-the-art performance on three challenging datasets.


Author(s):  
José Rodrigues Filho

Since the end of military government in Brazil, civilian governments have sought the accumulation and exercise of power to the detriment of the citizenry. They have done this with a kind of totalitarianism that takes the form of digital or bureaucratic dictatorship. Since the 1990s, they have started to implement information technology in the public sector to regulate and run the country in a command-and-control way through technological or bureaucratic dictatorship rather democratic process. While it is evident that there is a high level of investment in information technology in the public sector (e-government) in Brazil, there are also clear signs of the violation of human rights in terms of privacy. These occur, for instance, when the public administration exercises the power to engage in a process of electronic surveillance without the supervision of the judiciary. It is alleged that thousands of individual files have been accessed in the public administration in Brazil, despite the privacy protection offered by the national constitution. In addition, there is a proliferation of biometric identification using faces, eyes, fingerprints, and other body parts, especially in the e-voting system. This chapter shows how information technology (e-government) in Brazil could lead to violations of human rights because of the proliferation of biometric identification in the e-voting system as well as other sorts of invisible electronic surveillance that are affecting civil liberties and individual rights, including privacy.


Author(s):  
Susan K. Lippert ◽  
Ekundayo B. Ojumu

Electronic voting, or e-voting, is a relatively closed process that contains inherent risks associated with the potential for voting irregularities, translation errors, and inappropriate manipulation (Oravec, 2005). To develop a greater understanding of trust issues surrounding the use of e-voting, an investigation into the public trust and the relationship between trust and electronic voting technology were assessed. Men and women of various ethnicities, ages, educational backgrounds, technological experiences, political affiliations, and prior experience with e-voting participated in this study. Rogers’ (1995) taxonomy of adopters—innovators, early adopters, early majority, late majority, and laggards—was used to classify individuals based on their willingness to participate in e-voting. A principle-components factor analysis (PCFA) with separate tests for discriminant validity and multiple-regression analyses were used to confirm the hypotheses. The findings suggest that innovators and early adopters are more likely to trust technology and express an intention to use an e-voting system.


2020 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-38
Author(s):  
Markus Möstl

In Germany, the competence to legislate on the powers of the police, as far as the prevention of threats to the public security and not the investigation and prosecution of criminal offences is concerned, lies with the Länder. A working group of representatives of the Länder and the federal state is currently drafting a new model Police Act for Germany, i. e. template legislation that will become an important point of reference for the legislative activities of the Länder. This article examines the merits of this project and comments on some decisions the working group has already taken. It argues that it cannot be the aim of the project to try to achieve full uniformity of police law in Germany. The decision of the German consitution to entrust the Länder (and not the federal state) with police powers should not be undermined. The real purpose of the project should be to reach a consensus on some basic dogmatic notions of police law. It shows that there is currently a great amount of dogmatic uncertainty which could be clarified by the project. The aim of the working group, which is to set out police powers within and at the limits of the constitution, raises the question whether the constitutional limits of police law have been drawn too tightly by the constitutional court and by academic debate. It is highly unusual that an area of the law is so heavily determinded by constitutional law as is the case with police law in Germany. A main focus of the article deals with the question of whether the new Act should embrace the notion of “drohende Gefahr” (impending danger), which was considered by the constitutional court and recently introduced by the Bavarian legislator. Normally preventive police powers are linked to the precondition that the police can demonstrate a “konkrete Gefahr” (a concrete danger, i. e. a sufficient likelihood) of a threat to public security. “Drohende Gefahr” (impending danger) means, that there is indeed a sufficient likelihood of such a threat but one cannot foresee yet when, where and how exactly the threat will materialise. The article shows that “drohende Gefahr” is nothing new in essence, but just a borderline case of “konkrete Gefahr” which is now defined in a more precise manner. Finally the suggestions for detention powers of the police are analysed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 75 ◽  
pp. 67-80
Author(s):  
Paweł Lubiewski

Given the importance of public security for the society both in the collective and individual dimensions, the issue of interplay as an element required to streamline the security system appears to be of incomparable importance. The state security system as a construct created to assure the optimum security level (i.e. one that is socially desirable) may not be perceived as a static value, because neither the security environment nor the public security entity are made that way. Systemic interaction is one of the elements that make the public security system gain flexibility features, and makes it adapt to variable conditions of its functioning, which is a direct result of the need of effective implementation of its functions. In this respect it is vital that it is created within the systemic dimension so that it has a direct impact on fulfilment of the function assigned to the public security system, and not merely on the apparently effective involvement of the potential ascribed to it.


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