scholarly journals Pembuktian Strategi Pengarusutamaan Gender (PuG): Analisis Capaian Indeks Pemberdayaan Gender di Indonesia

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 162-170
Author(s):  
Hasnidar Yuslin

This study aims to prove the Gender Mainstreaming strategy which is analyzed from the achievements of the Gender Empowerment Index from 2010 to 2020. To prove the Gender Mainstreaming strategy, the author uses an index measurement approach from the indicators forming the Gender Empowerment Index which is then analyzed descriptively. It was found that the implementation of the Gender Mainstreaming strategy in Indonesia has not been optimal. The average achievement of the gender empowerment index from 2010 to 2020 was 71.39, which is still far from the perfect ratio of 100. Judging from its forming indicators, it was found that the representation of women in parliament from 2010 to 2020 was still below 30 percent, then women as the professional workforce are still growing at 40 percent which has not yet reached the 50 percent equality level, and the contribution of women's income has experienced an increasing trend which reflects that women have been included in the workforce, but the increase has been slow.

2018 ◽  
pp. 950-970 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank Makoza

This article analyses how the representation of women legislators may affect the oversight of national ICT policy. The article uses Critical Mass Theory (CMT) to explain the composition of the Media and Communications Committee (MCC) of parliament. The case of Malawi is analysed, which represented a low-income economy in Africa. The article uses electoral reports and legislative documents. The results show that women legislators in the MCC achieved a critical mass despite the decrease in the representation of women in parliament. The women legislators have the opportunity to support gender issues related to ICT legislations and national ICT policy oversight. However, the functions of MCC related to national ICT policy oversight were not aligned with the gender equity strategies. This may affect the priority of gender issues in the policy oversight. The article contributes towards literature on national ICT policy oversight in the context of developing countries.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1-2021) ◽  
pp. 59-75
Author(s):  
Maria Cristina Antonucci

This paper investigates women in lobbying careers in Italy, the UK and France in comparison with the EU Parliament to verify the hypothesis that in political systems with a gender mainstreaming approach, it is easier for women to have access to political, institutional and politics-related careers. Given the differences between national and supranational political systems, the collected data display a fairer gender balance in the stock of registered lobbyists at the EU Parliament than in the national registers for lobbyists. The explanatory factors are the EU institutional approach towards gender mainstreaming and a fairer gender balance in EU top-political and administrative jobs. The paper argues that there is a spillover effect from fair-gendered political careers to the lobbying professions. EU lobbyists need to reflect the diversity of EU politicians and administrative staff. In this sense, the EU institutionalization of the gender mainstreaming approach goes beyond issues such as the descriptive and substantive political representation of women in politics while creating a more inclusive environment for equal opportunities in traditionally male-dominated jobs.


Author(s):  
Ardhana Ulfa Azis ◽  
Mia Siscawati

The implementation of affirmative quota policies by political structures, especially political parties as one of the elements of the political infrastructure, has provided the widest possible opportunity for women to be directly involved in the political process, such as becoming members of parliament to carry out over sight, budgeting, and legislative functions: the making and policymaking and political decisions. This research examines how women in the family path of the 2019’s election results, on the one hand, their faces are seen as political representatives of women in parliament, but on the other hand, they are also seen as representatives of the interests of party oligarchy in parliament. We explored the filling of affirmative quotas for female parliamentary candidates from the family line by political parties which allowed us to identify women parliamentarians from the family line as having two faces, namely as women's political representatives as well as party political representatives. In a stronger party oligarchy, we argue that filling the affirmative quota of female parliamentary candidates from the family line apart from being urged by the affirmative quota policy for 30%women's political representation, is also motivated by the interests of party oligarchy. We adopt the thoughts of Anne Phillips (1991) about the politics of presence which sees that women's representation in parliament starts from the number, not from the policies they produce.


Author(s):  
Shirin M. Rai ◽  
Carole Spary

In the Introduction we outline the major themes and arguments of the book and cover some theoretical debates on gender and representation. Evaluating how gender inequality runs through Parliament, its practices and norms, and its institutional frameworks and the forms that representation takes as a result are the areas on which we focus in our book. We note that the consistent under-representation of women in Parliament affects our reception of the performance of representation and the claims that the Indian Parliament makes to being the premier democratic institution of the country. The Introduction outlines the politics and performance framework that allow us to make an innovative and informed empirical analysis of continuities and changes in women’s participation in parliamentary politics. The framework focuses as much on rules and norms of the Parliament as on the corporeality and speech, stage and script of politics and political life that are witnessed in its practices. The Introduction then elucidates the main arguments and empirical focus of each chapter of the book.


2017 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 957-975 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Homola

This article explores (1) whether policy makers are equally responsive to the preferences of women and men and (2) whether the increased presence of women in parliament improves responsiveness to women’s preferences. Using a time-series cross-sectional analysis of 351 party shifts by sixty-eight different parties across twelve Western European countries, the study finds that parties respond to the preference shifts of women and men. However, parties are more responsive to the preference shifts among men than among women – a finding that is not affected by the share of female politicians in parliament. The findings question the implicit assumption that substantive political representation of women necessarily follows from their descriptive representation in legislatures.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 49-67 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank Makoza

This article analyses how the representation of women legislators may affect the oversight of national ICT policy. The article uses Critical Mass Theory (CMT) to explain the composition of the Media and Communications Committee (MCC) of parliament. The case of Malawi is analysed, which represented a low-income economy in Africa. The article uses electoral reports and legislative documents. The results show that women legislators in the MCC achieved a critical mass despite the decrease in the representation of women in parliament. The women legislators have the opportunity to support gender issues related to ICT legislations and national ICT policy oversight. However, the functions of MCC related to national ICT policy oversight were not aligned with the gender equity strategies. This may affect the priority of gender issues in the policy oversight. The article contributes towards literature on national ICT policy oversight in the context of developing countries.


2013 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 352-372 ◽  
Author(s):  
Devin K. Joshi ◽  
Kara Kingma

AbstractAlthough home to the majority of the world’s women, Asia is the continent with the smallest proportion of women in Parliament. Rarely studied from a comparative perspective, this article examines the uneven representation of women in the lower houses of contemporary Asian parliaments. While socio-economic modernization and industrialization are generally expected to increase the proportion of women in positions of political influence, we find that differences in electoral and party systems across Asia play a greater role than levels of female literacy, urbanization, or per capita income. In particular, Asian parliaments with strict quotas and a higher number of (three of more) major political parties had significantly more female MPs. We also found cultural attitudes supportive of women in the public sphere to make a difference along with multi-member districts and parties on the political left.


2015 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 254
Author(s):  
Jumni Nelli

The involvement of women in politics is important, because women have special needs that can only be understood best by the women themselves. If the women's problems is entrusted to the representatives who do not have the perspective of a female problem, it is almost certain that the policy issued is not sensitive to women's issues. Currently the representation of women is still low, not least in the province of Riau. But the low or lack of women's representation in the legislative agenda does not mean the strengthening of gender equality or gender mainstreaming (PUG) neglected. Interesting traced the existence of women legislators in Riau Province area totaling 18 people from 65 people to the Province, seven women sitting in Pekanbaru, and six women in Kampar truly representative of women in the province of Riau. The study concluded Women legislators in Riau Province is very sensitive and understand the problems and issues of gender/women, but because there is still minimal cause many obstacles encountered in achieving gender equality.


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