The Democratic Spirit

Daedalus ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 142 (2) ◽  
pp. 209-221 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kwame Anthony Appiah

There is a famous paradox about democracy: most forms of participation make no obvious difference to political outcomes and yet people act anyway. I argue that they are more likely to act politically if they have certain attitudes and commitments; and that productive attitudes of the right kind can be sustained by a culture in which two kinds of honor are central. One kind of honor is collective: it is the honor of nations, which is the concern of the patriot. Another is the honor of citizens, who are worthy of respect because they contribute to the practices that serve the republic. I suggest some practices we Americans might want to take up and honor for the sake of our own republic today, drawing attention to two discoveries in social psychology that could be productively brought to bear in our political life: namely, the Ben Franklin effect and the Contact Hypothesis.

2021 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 223-252
Author(s):  
Milan Rapajić

One of the characteristics of the system of government in the Fifth French Republic is the strengthened position of the head of state, but also the existence of the first minister as a constitutional category with a significant role. The constitution provides the political responsibility of the government with the Prime Minister and ministers before parliament. Certain French writers have opinion that the Prime Minister appears as the central figure of the constitutional structure. The Prime Minister shall direct the actions of the Government. This is 21 of Constitution. Also, there are specific powers that put the Prime Minister in the position of its real head of government. Among the prime minister's most important powers is his right to elect members of the government. It is the right to propose to the President of the Republic the appointment but also the dismissal of members of the government. The Prime Minister is authorized to re-sign certain acts of the President of the Republic. In case of temporary impediment of the head of state, the Prime Minister chairs the councils and committees for national defense, as well as the Council of Ministers. The paper analyzes the constitutional provisions that lead to the conclusion that the position of the Prime Minister is institutionally constructed as strong. Political practice, with the exception of periods of cohabitation, has indicated that most prime ministers have been overshadowed by mostly powerful heads of state. For that reason, it is necessary to analyze the political practice of all eight presidential governments. A review of the already long political life that has lasted since 1958. points to the conclusion that in its longest period, presidents of the Republic dominated the public political scene. The Prime Minister has a more pronounced role in the executive branch during cohabitation periods. However, nine years in three cohabitations cannot change the central conclusion of this paper that the dominant political practice of the Fifth Republic has led to the Prime Minister being essentially in the shadow of the head of state.


1960 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 361-377
Author(s):  
Lewis Hertzman

As a persistent critic of the German Revolution of November 9, 1918, and of the Weimar Republic, the Conservative publicist Arthur Moeller van den Bruck frequently denounced what he called the “republic without republicans”. “The Republic in which we are living”, he wrote, “is a joyless republic. Is it really a republic? Is it not still a monarchy that has merely been deprived of its emblems? Is not this thing which has no symbol on which one can fasten belief, is it not monarchy in its deepest humiliation?” The questions that Moeller van den Bruck was asking for Conservatives were being asked, in their own way, by men through the spectrum of intellectual and political life: by men on the Left who wanted a Communist or Socialist republic, by men of the Right who wanted a popular constitutional monarchy, by the few who wanted the status quo, and by the many who wanted some kind of progressive change in public life. Not least among the questioners was Gustav Stresemann, the young leader of the new German People's Party.


2021 ◽  
Vol 93 (3) ◽  
pp. 616-664
Author(s):  
Aleksandar Stevanović

In this paper, the author considers the importance of the right to freedom of expression with specific reference to political speech, which is undoubtedly an important precondition for the establishment of democratic institutions. Free political speech encourages a well-informed and politically sophisticated citizenry to take part in political life. Thus, political speech has a privileged position in terms of legal protection. However, in some cases, the limits of freedom of expression can come into questions, as well as the scope of political speech. It is a well-established stance that politicians need to tolerate a greater degree of criticism due to their positions. Nevertheless, they also need to be protected when it comes to the endangerment of their personal rights, beyond justified political discussion.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 266-275
Author(s):  
Connie Pania Putri ◽  
Suci Flambonita ◽  
Erniwati Erniwati ◽  
Diana Novianti

Indonesia’s political system changed  after the amandment of the state’s constitution. As a consequence, significant changes in the system are inevitable, one of which is the paradigm of its governing body. The amended constitution states that all governing bodies are level, not placing its people’s consultative assembly at the highest position of the people sovereignty manifestation at the fullest. The changes in the state’s governing bodie’s position causes transposition of their tasks and authorities. The previous assembly’s authority, bestowed by the constitution, limits itself into not having regular authority except inaugurating selected president and vice president according to the statutes of the General Election Commission once in five years. Nevertheless, a further discussion may lead to a finding that, in practice, the assembly’s authority is substantively fundamental for Indonesia’s political life. It has the right of amending and ordaining the constitution, for example, which is crucial for the politic since 1945 State Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia is the highest of all laws and regulations.


2012 ◽  
pp. 101-117 ◽  
Author(s):  
P. Orekhovsky

In the paper the nature of Russian corruption is considered along the lines proposed by D. North, J. Wallis, and B. Weingast. The author considers patron-client networks as basic political and economic actors of the limited access order. The redistributive rent allocated within patron-client networks is not a corruption phenomenon. The main factor that is able to destroy patron-client networks and autonomous centers of power is the right to contestation (liberalization) according to R. Dahl. Realization of that right together with the right to participate in political life enables transition to the open access society.


Author(s):  
Claudia Leeb

Through a critical appropriation of Hannah Arendt, and a more sympathetic engagement with Theodor W. Adorno and psychoanalysis, this book develops a new theoretical approach to understanding Austrians’ repression of their collaboration with National Socialist Germany. Drawing on original, extensive archival research, from court documents on Nazi perpetrators to public controversies on theater plays and museums, the book exposes the defensive mechanisms Austrians have used to repress individual and collective political guilt, which led to their failure to work through their past. It exposes the damaging psychological and political consequences such failure has had and continues to have for Austrian democracy today—such as the continuing electoral growth of the right-wing populist Freedom Party in Austria, which highlights the timeliness of the book. However, the theoretical concepts and practical suggestions the book introduces to counteract the repression of individual and collective political guilt are relevant beyond the Austrian context. It shows us that only when individuals and nations live up to guilt are they in a position to take responsibility for past crimes, show solidarity with the victims of crimes, and prevent the emergence of new crimes. Combining theoretical insights with historical analysis, The Politics of Repressed Guilt is an important addition to critical scholarship that explores the pathological implications of guilt repression for democratic political life.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-32

The relevance of the work is determined by the fact that the right to life belongs to the basic constitutional human rights, therefore, its observance and protection is the duty of the state. Despite its undeniable importance, today the right to life anywhere in the world is not really ensured in sufficient quantities. The constitutional consolidation of the right to life raises a number of issues related to the concept, nature, legislative and practical implementation of this right. It should be noted that various aspects of the human right to life were considered in the scientific works of G.B. Romanovsky, O.G. Selikhova, T.M. Fomichenko, A.B. Borisova, V.A. Ershov and other Russian authors. The aim of the study is to study and comparative analysis of the legal content of the constitutional norm that defines the right to life, to comprehend and identify possible problems of the implementation of this right. To achieve this goal, this article discusses relevant issues of ensuring the right to life, proclaimed by Article 20 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation and Article 27 of the Constitution of Azerbaijan Republic. The results of a comparative analysis of these constitutional norms and the relevant norms of industry law allow us to determine, that there is no contradiction between Article 20 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation and the norms of the criminal legislation of the Russian Federation, which imply the death penalty as an exceptional measure of punishment, because a moratorium has been imposed on the death penalty in the Russian Federation since April 16, 1997. However, after the abolition of the death penalty in the criminal legislation of the Republic of Azerbaijan in 1998, there was a discrepancy between parts II and III of Article 27 of the Constitution of the Republic of Azerbaijan and the criminal legislation of Azerbaijan Republic that requires the introduction of the necessary changes in the content of the analyzed constitutional norm. The value of the work is determined by the fact that the introduction of appropriate changes will contribute to the further improvement of the Constitution of the Republic of Azerbaijan and the effective implementation of the right to life of everyone.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 97-108
Author(s):  
Dinda Izzati

Evidently, a few months after the Jakarta Charter was signed, Christian circles from Eastern Indonesia submitted an ultimatum, if the seven words in the Jakarta Charter were still included in the Preamble to the 1945 Constitution, then the consequence was that they would not want to join the Republic of Indonesia. The main reason put forward by Pastor Octavian was that Indonesia was seen from its georaphical interests and structure, Western Indonesia was known as the base of Islamic camouflage, while eastern Indonesia was the basis for Christian communities. Oktavianus added that Christians as an integral part of this nation need to realize that they also have the right to life, religious rights, political rights, economic rights, the same rights to the nation and state as other citizens, who in fact are mostly Muslims. This paper aims to determine and understand the extent to which the basic assumptions of the Indonesian people view the role of Islam as presented in an exclusive format.


SOEPRA ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 254
Author(s):  
Christina Nur Widayati ◽  
Endang Wahyati Yustina ◽  
Hadi Sulistyanto

Patient Safety was the right of a patient who was receiving health care. A nurse was one of the health professionals in a hospital having a very important role in realizing Patient Safety. In realizing Patient Safety Panti Rahayu Yakkum Hospital of Purwodadi had involved the role of the nurses. In carrying out their role the nurses could support the protection of the patient’s rights. The nurses performed health care by conducting six Patient Safety goals that were based on professional standards, service standards and codes of conduct so that the Patient Safety would be realized.This research applied a socio-legal approach to having analytical-descriptive specifications. The data used were primary and secondary those were gathered by field and literature studies. The field study was conducted by having interviews to, among others, the Director of Panti Rahayu Yakkum Hospital of Purwodadi, Head of Room and Chairman of Patient Safety Committee, nurses and patients. The data were then qualitatively analyzed.The arrangement of nurses’ role in implementing Patient Safety and the patient’s rights protection was based on the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia of 1945, Health Act, Hospital Act, Labor Act, and Nursing Act. These bases made the hospital obliged to implement Patient Safety. The regulations leading the hospital to provide Patient Safety were Health Minister’s Regulation Nr. 11 of 2017 on Patient Safety, Statute of Panti Rahayu Yakkum Hospital of Purwodadi (Hospital ByLaws), Internal Nursing Staff ByLaws. In implementing Patient Safety Panti Rahayu Yakkum Hospital of Purwodadi had established a committee of Patient Safety team consisting of the nurses that would implement six targets of Patient Safety. Actually, the Patient Safety implementation had been accomplished but it had not been optimally done because of several factors, namely juridical, social and technical factors. The supporting factors in influencing the implementation were, among others, the establishment of the Patient Safety team that had been well socialized whereas the inhibiting factors were limitedness of time and funds to train the nurses besides the operational procedure standard (OPS) that was still less understood. Lack of learning motivation among the nurses also appeared as an inhibiting factor in understanding Patient Safety implementation.


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