Augustus’ “New” Festival: The Centrality of Married Women’s Rituals at the Ludi Saeculares of 17 BCE

Numen ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 65 (4) ◽  
pp. 377-404
Author(s):  
Šterbenc Erker Darja

AbstractThe article explores how Augustus and the priesthood of theXVviri sacris faciundisorganized and performed the rituals for celebrating a new era (ludi saeculares) under the rule of the gods Apollo and Diana. In the Republic, it had been a woman’s personal decision whether or not to take part in women’s festivals. However, theXVviricommanded that 110 married women (matronae) perform rituals (supplications and sacrifices) on the Capitoline. This article argues for the novelty of such a custom, in that it was a new form of top-down appeal tomatronaeto honor the gods in public festivals. The article also argues for the centrality of rituals of thematronaein the festival. At theludi saeculares, the cooperation between men (theXVviri) andmatronaewas ritually staged and seen as indispensable for ensuring the continuity of Rome.

1974 ◽  
Vol 64 ◽  
pp. 62-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. W. Lintott

The battle of Bovillae on 18th January, 52 B.C., which led to Clodius' death, was literally treated by Cicero in a letter to Atticus as the beginning of a new era—he dated the letter by it, although over a year had elapsed. It is difficult to exaggerate the relief it afforded him from fear and humiliation for a few precious years before civil war put him once more in jeopardy. At one stroke Cicero lost his chief inimicus and the Republic lost a hostis and pestis. Moreover, the turmoil led to a political realignment for which Cicero had been striving for the last ten years—a reconciliation between the boni and Pompey, as a result of which Pompey was commissioned to put the state to rights. Cicero's behaviour in this context, especially his return to the centre of the political scene, is, one would have thought, of capital importance to the biographer of Cicero. Yet two recent English biographies have but briefly touched on the topic. It is true that, in the background of Cicero's personal drama, Caesar and Pompey were taking up positions which, as events turned out, would lead to the collapse of the Republic. However, Cicero and Milo were not to know this, nor were their opponents; friendly cooperation between the two super-politicians apparently was continuing. Politicians on all sides were still aiming to secure power and honour through the traditional Republican magistracies, and in this pursuit were prepared to use the odd mixture of violence, bribery and insistence on the strict letter of the constitution, which was becoming a popular recipe. In retrospect their obsession with the customary organs of power has a certain irony. Yet it is a testimony to the political atmosphere then. Their manoeuvres are also important because both the instability caused by the violence of Clodius and Milo, and the eventual confidence in the rule of law established under Pompey's protection, helped to determine the political position of the boni associated with Pompey in 49 B.C. Cicero's relationship with Milo is at first sight one of the more puzzling aspects of his career. What had they in common, except that Milo, like most late Republican politicians, was at one time associated with Pompey? Properly interpreted, however, this relationship may not only illuminate Cicero's own attitudes but illustrate the character of the last years of Republican politics.


2001 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 68-84 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronit Lentin

This article begins by discussing the specificities of racism in the Republic of Ireland. Critiquing multiculturalist and top-down antiracism policies, it argues that Irish multiculturalist initiatives are anchored in a liberal politics of recognition of difference, which do not depart from western cultural imperialism and are therefore inadequate for deconstructing inter-ethnic power relations. Multiculturalist approaches to antiracism result in the top-down ethnicisation of Irish society, and are failing to intervene in the uneasy interface of minority and majority relations in Ireland. Instead of a ‘politics of recognition’ guiding multiculturalist initiatives, I conclude the article by developing Hesse's (1999) idea of a ‘politics of interrogation’ of the Irish ‘we’ and propose disavowed multiculturalism as a way of theorising Irish responses to ethnic diversity. Interrogating the Irish ‘we’ cannot evade interrogating the painful past of emigration, a wound still festering because it was never tended, and which, I would suggest, is returning to haunt Irish people through the presence of the immigrant ‘other’.


2015 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 37-51
Author(s):  
Višnja Rajić ◽  
Tomislav Rajić

Due to the changes in society and the new era of “super-diversity” (Vertovec, 2007) in European countries, intercultural competence is gaining importance both in everyday life situations and teacher training. In the academic year of 2014/2105, a research was conducted on a sample of 136 prospective secondary school teachers undergoing their pedagogical-didactical-methodological training in different universities in the Republic of Croatia. The tool that was employed in the self-assessment of intercultural competence was called Recognising intercultural competence: What shows that I am interculturally competent? The results showed that the examinees perceive their intercultural competence quite high; attitudes (M = 4,09); skills (M = 4,12); knowledge (M = 4,02). There is no significant difference between the perceived dimensions (p = ,282). Further research is recommended to better understand the insights about the examinees’ understanding of intercultural competence.


2001 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 4-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luis Suarez-Villa

The rise of technocapitalism involves the commodification of knowledge in faster and more diverse ways than at any previous time in human history. This article provides insights from a macro-analytical perspective on the phenomena that mark the emergence of technocapitalism as a new form of market capitalism, and their influence on the commodification of knowledge for invention and innovation. The phenomena in question involve the rapid accumulation of inventions and of knowledge-sensitive infrastructure. The rapid reproduction of creativity and a faster diffusion of knowledge, both of which have been supported by a massification of technical education, are also important for the emergence of the new era. Their contribution to the commodification of technological knowledge is most obvious in the pervasive corporatization of invention and innovation, and even more so in the emergence of continuous invention and innovation as a standard component of corporate strategy.


2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 144
Author(s):  
Juvenale Patinvoh Agbayahoun

<p>Using a survey, this study examines EFL teachers’ views on professional development, the models of teacher development they are familiar with, and their experiences in the area. The study also inquires into the teachers’ knowledge and opinions about inquiry-based teaching. The results indicate that though the EFL teachers often have the opportunity to participate in teacher development activities, these activities do not enable them to develop the skill of reflection and action on practice as they are patterned on top-down models of teacher development and happen in a one-shot workshop-style. Other teacher development activities such as action-research, reading research findings in the field, peer observation, mentoring, or teacher networking are unfamiliar to them. While the participant EFL teachers acknowledged that the top-down teacher development activities give them exposure to informative input, they also reported that such activities, paradoxically, have little impact on their teaching and students’ learning. Most of them acknowledged having very little knowledge of teacher development activities that involve self-intiative and autonomy, and they expressed interest in learning about and trying action-research in their classrooms.</p>


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-106
Author(s):  
Ruth Hanau Santini ◽  
Giulia Cimini

In Tunisia, the notion and understanding of security, while no longer focused on regime security, remains a top-down, state-security understanding, rather than a societal one. Further, while the 2014 democratic Constitution devised significant checks and balances between the branches of government, even in the security field, external security assistance facilitated the centralization of security decision-making in the hands of the President of the Republic.


2020 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 124-133
Author(s):  
Z. I. Kurbanova

This study describes the bridal and funerary rite of exchanging clothes (Bes Kiyim – ‘Five Costumes’) in the context of the traditions and innovations in the Karakalpak culture. On the basis of fi eld data collected in 2014–2019 and earlier in places with a continuous or patchy distribution of the Karakalpak population (Chimbaysky, Karauzyaksky, Kegeyliysky, Nukussky, Khodzheyliysky, and the Takhiatashsky districts of the Republic of Karakalpakstan, Republic of Uzbekistan) and of earlier sources, changes in ritualism are analyzed. Bridal rites include exchanges of gifts, such as items of clothing. The comparison of sources shows that the Bes Kiyim rite originated in the mid-20th century in the context of socio-cultural changes. It has remained rather stable up to the present time, being an integral part of Karakalpak bridal ritualism. This indicates its importance in the normative culture of that ethnic group. In one district of Karakalpakstan, the term Bes Kiyim was transferred from the bridal to the funerary rituals. The origin of the rite relates to the transformation of the Iyis custom—the distribution of the deceased person’s clothing among those participating in the ablution of the body. In the late 20th century, specially purchased items of clothing began to be used for that purpose. Apparently, the fi ve items distributed among those participating in the rite symbolize the deceased person’s transition to the ancestors’ world. By the same token, the bride’s fi ve outfi ts allude to her passage to the category of married women and the beginning of her marital life. Therefore, the ritual innovations of the Karakalpaks, caused by socio-cultural and economic changes, mirror the logic and content of traditional family festivals whose complex symbolism relates to status change.


1998 ◽  
Vol 13 (0) ◽  
pp. 173-186
Author(s):  
Jeong Ho Lee

Although the Republic of Korea has recovered from the ruins of the 1950's Korean War and achieved a remarkable economic growth during the past 40 years, it is now, at the threshold of 21st century, faced with the great national economic crises which led us to receive the IMF's rescue fund. To make a long story short, I presume the cause of the economic tragedy mainly originated from the fact that the frame and habitude of our way of life were not so changed suitably as to accommodate the new era of unbounded international competition.


2021 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 144-160
Author(s):  
Ilham Dwi Rafiqi

Post the issuance of Law Number 11 of 2020 concerning Job Creation, the public paid more attention by continuing to protest and criticize. This response occurred due to various legislative deviations noticed during the legislative process of the Job Creation Bill by not adhering to the principles and procedures for the formation of laws and regulations. The main cause for this deviation is due to the ethics of the legislators who are not thoroughly compliant and obedient toward the statutory regulations and social ethics. Legislators’ understanding of law and life tends to be influenced by materialistic-positivistic views that bring forth consumptive, hedonistic, and secular demeanors and behaviors. On this basis, this paper tries to criticize and reconstruct the legislators’ ethics in law-making. This study is using a normative juridical method and is supported by a philosophical approach. The outcomes of this research show that the process in the making of the Job Creation Bill tends to override the principle of transparency and public participation with a closed and hasty pattern so that it is a complete ulterior hasty agenda that prioritizes the concept of regulating and monitoring only (top-down). A work ethic based on prophetic values that are supported by the ground principles of a prophetic paradigm that includes humanization, liberation, and transcendence into a new form of construction to be able to create a better and just legislative process.


Author(s):  
Hanne Marlene Dahl

New forms of Governance and Struggles about Recognition – the angry Home Helper? Struggles about recognition of care have evolved during the last decade in Western Europe. In Denmark struggles can be found within the field of elderly care and publicly employed home helpers. This mobilization seems to be related to the prevalence of a new form of governance, New Public Manage- ment (NPM), and is investigated from a top-down and a bottom-up perspective. A discourse analysis of political-administrative texts show a NPM inspired discourse that si- lences the qualifications of home helpers and reproduces misrecognition of care. Focus group interviews show that home helpers employ three different strategies towards this form of governance: the sweet, caring by the book and the professional home helper.


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