Leon Trotsky, the Cultural Debates, and the Political Struggle in 1923

2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 140-169
Author(s):  
Alexander Reznik

Abstract This article examines interconnections between politics and culture in the early Soviet era, using Leon Trotsky’s activities in the campaign for a new everyday life (novyi byt) in 1923 as a case-study. Traditionally, scholars pay attention primarily to Trotsky’s writings on literature and art. In contrast, this article shows the important role of Trotsky’s brochure ‘Problems of Everyday Life’ in the development of a new field of political communication that became the space for criticism of different political and cultural aspects of Soviet power and Bolshevik rule. Using archival and press sources, it shows how the campaign was spread both from below and above, and what were the reasons for its failure to become an alternative cultural revolution.

Comunicar ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 22 (43) ◽  
pp. 65-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Salomé Berrocal-Gonzalo ◽  
Eva Campos-Domínguez ◽  
Marta Redondo-García

This article analyzes the role of the political «infotainment» prosumer on Internet. In the second half of the XX century, telecracy was the predominant one-way communication model that not only popularized politics but also transformed politics into entertainment or «politainment». The XXI century began with the conviction that the Internet would lead to a bidirectional communication model in which true dialogue between political power and citizens would emerge. This research explores a new field of study: Web 2.0 «politainment» and prosumers’ attitudes and actions within this new communication sphere. The objective of the study is to identify the kind of political content Internet users consume and produce. To achieve this, we made a case study of the political information produced and consumed on YouTube, and in particular of a speech given by Ana Botella, the Mayor of Madrid, before the International Olympic Committee (IOC) in September 2013. The 40 most-watched videos on YouTube during the week of the Mayor’s appearance as well as those viewed in the month that followed have been analyzed, in addition to the 3,000 comments on these videos. The conclusion shows that the prosumption of «politainment» on Internet is characterized by massive consumption of information but passive reaction with regard to production and participation. Este artículo analiza la figura del prosumidor del «infoentretenimiento» político en Internet. Si durante la segunda mitad del siglo XX predomina la «telecracia», un modelo de comunicación unidireccional que supone la popularización de la política pero también su conversión en espectáculo o «politainment», el siglo XXI se inicia con el convencimiento de que Internet conducirá a un modelo comunicacional bidireccional en el que se establezca un diálogo real entre el poder político y la ciudadanía. Esta investigación explora un nuevo campo de estudio, como es el «politainment» en la Web 2.0 y la actuación del prosumidor en esta nueva esfera comunicativa. El interés del estudio es detectar qué contenidos políticos consumen y producen los usuarios en red. Para ello, se realiza un estudio de caso sobre la información política producida y consumida en YouTube sobre la comparecencia de la alcaldesa de Madrid, Ana Botella ante el Comité Olímpico Internacional (COI) en septiembre de 2013. Se analizan los 40 vídeos más vistos en YouTube la semana de su comparecencia y un mes después, así como 3.000 comentarios a estos vídeos. Las conclusiones señalan que el prosumo del «politainment» en Internet se caracteriza por un consumo masivo de información pero un comportamiento muy pasivo en su producción y participación.


2021 ◽  
Vol VI (I) ◽  
pp. 470-476
Author(s):  
Hazrat Bilal ◽  
Shaista Gohar ◽  
Ayaz Ali Shah

An effort has been made to revisit the political participation of Pakhtun women in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa former NWFP. The active role in the politics of Pakhtun women was quite difficult due to socio-cultural constraints. In such circumstances a woman from the elite class emerged on the political scene of NWFP; Begum Zari Sarfaraz who not only participated in the independence movement of Pakistan but also participated in politics after the creation of Pakistan and had rendered great services for women folk as members of national and provincial assemblies. The paper shed light on her opposition to One Unit. The paper also investigates the reason that why she quit politics. There is hardly any literature on the role of Begum Zari Sarfaraz in the politics of Pakistan.


2019 ◽  
pp. 39-56
Author(s):  
Andrzej Chmiel

This publication is an attempt to answer the question: what was the role of the criminal penalty, especially in its strictest form (summum supplicium) in the Roman legislation of Christian emperors? Finally, whether is it noticeable, based on the example of summum supplicium, that Christianity influenced the Roman criminal law in any way? As it has been demonstrated, the new state religion did not radically change the Roman criminal legislation. The legislation of the Christian emperors confirmed both, the division of society into servi and liberii that had existed for centuries in the Roman state and the diversity of the legal situation of individual social groups. Punishment in the legislation of Christian emperors continued to fulfil the role it had played in the previous centuries and became, even more than ever before, an essential tool for the political struggle of the present state authority. The finest example of this was the legislation of Constantine the Great, followed by all the severity of criminal repression which resulted in the issuing of this legal act. A great desire to bring about a new order, maintain power and even the fear of losing it can be detected in the strictness of the Constantine’s legislation. Finally, the once persecuted Christians began to behave like their previous persecutors.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (20) ◽  
pp. 202127
Author(s):  
Chirles da Silva Monteiro ◽  
Gutemberg Armando Diniz Guerra

EDUCATION AND PEASANT RESISTANCE IN THE PARAENSE AMAZONIAEDUCACIÓN Y RESISTENCIA CAMPESINA EN LA AMAZONIA PARAENSERESUMOEste artigo é fruto dos apontamentos da pesquisa de mestrado desenvolvida no Programa de Pós-Graduação em Agriculturas Amazônicas (PPGAA) da Universidade Federal do Pará – UFPA. Aborda os desafios da luta pela terra no Sudeste Paraense, refletindo sobre o papel da educação nesse processo. Ele aponta a educação que permeia o cotidiano das pessoas, como elemento que fortalece a resistência política dos camponeses, por isso, não está apenas relacionada à conquista da terra, mas também, à permanência na mesma e à mudança da qualidade de vida nos acampamentos e assentamentos. O artigo é resultado de um estudo de caso, desenvolvido no Acampamento Sem Terra, denominado de Dalcídio Jurandir, localizado no Sudeste Paraense e encaminhado por uma abordagem qualitativa. Entende-se que o movimento social busca uma educação que dê conta de compreender as circunstâncias vividas a partir de suas contradições sociais, tendo a mesma lógica de resistência do campesinato, porque é nele que ela tem sua raiz histórica. Trata-se de uma educação que antecede à escola e vai muito além dela.Palavras-chave: Educação; Luta pela Terra; Resistência Camponesa.ABSTRACTThis article is the result of the master's research notes developed in the Postgraduate Program in Amazon Agriculture (PPGAA) of the Federal University of Pará – UFPA. It addresses the challenges of the struggle for land in Southeast Pará, reflecting on the role of education in this process. This paper points out the education that permeates people's daily lives, as an element that strengthens the political resistance of the peasants, therefore, it is not only related to the conquest of the land, but also to the permanence in it and to the change in the quality of life in the encampments and settlements. The article is the result of a case study, developed at the agrarian reform camp, called Dalcídio Jurandir, located in Southeast Pará and guided by a qualitative approach. It is understood that the social movement seeks an education that is able to understand the circumstances experienced from its social contradictions, having the same logic of resistance as the peasantry, because it has its historical roots in it. It is an education that precedes school and goes far beyond it.Keywords: Education; Struggle for Land; Peasant Resistance.RESUMENEste artículo es el resultado de las notas de investigación de maestría desarrolladas en el Programa de Posgrado en Agricultura Amazónica (PPGAA) de la Universidad Federal de Pará – UFPA. Aborda los desafíos de la lucha por la tierra en el sureste de Pará, reflexionando sobre el papel de la educación en este proceso. Señala la educación que permea la vida cotidiana de las personas, como un elemento que fortalece la resistencia política de los campesinos, por lo tanto, no solo se relaciona con la conquista de la tierra, sino también con la permanencia en ella y con el cambio de la tierra. Calidad de vida en los campamentos y asentamientos. El artículo es el resultado de un estudio de caso, desarrollado en el Campamento Sem Terra, llamado Dalcídio Jurandir, ubicado en el sureste de Pará y guiado por un enfoque cualitativo. Se entiende que el movimiento social busca una educación que sea capaz de comprender las circunstancias vividas desde sus contradicciones sociales, teniendo la misma lógica de resistencia que el campesinado, porque tiene en ella sus raíces históricas. Es una educación que precede a la escuela y la va mucho más allá.Palabras clave: Educación; Lucha por la Tierra; Resistencia Campesina.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-62
Author(s):  
Khoirul Mushthofa Misyuniarto

This study examines the political communication strategy carried out by Kiai as a boarding school caretaker in the General Election. The purpose of this study is to describe the political communication strategy carried out by Kiai Syafik Rofi'i, caretaker of the Salafiyah Syafi'iyah Islamic Boarding School in Bangkalan Regency, East Java Province in the 2019 General Election. This study uses a qualitative descriptive method with a case study approach. The results showed that the political communication strategy being implemented was political negotiation among kiai in Islamic boarding schools in Bangkalan Regency. In addition, political communication uses the strategy of a campaign winning team or success team, and also uses the media as a channel for delivering messages to provide understanding and influence public opinion.


Author(s):  
Christopher F. Karpowitz

A powerful tool for content analysis, DICTION allows scholars to illuminate the ideas, perspectives, and linguistic tendencies of a wide variety of political actors. At its best, a tool like DICTION allows scholars not just to describe the features of political language, but also to analyze the causes and the consequences those features in ways that advance our understanding political communication more broadly. Effective analysis involves helping academic audiences understand what the measures being used mean, how the results relate to broader theoretical constructs, and the extent to which findings reveal something important about the political world. This involves exploring both the causes and the consequences of linguistic choices, including by attending closely to how those texts are received by their intended audiences. In this chapter, the authors review ways in which DICTION has been used and might be used to better understand the role of political leadership, the meaning of democracy, and the effects of political language on the political behavior of ordinary citizens.


2015 ◽  
pp. 1488-1507 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sam Takavarasha, Jr. ◽  
Eldred V. Masunungure

This chapter uses Illich's (1973) concept of conviviality for analysing the challenges and opportunities of using email for political communication in authoritarian states. Based on evidence from a case study of Zimbabwe's Media Monitoring Project (MMPZ), it contends that while conviviality allows the use of ICTs for political mobilisation, it also enables a counterproductive “big brother” effect. In addition to constant censorship and overt operations, covert strategies are often used for disrupting communication platforms. This calls for a framework for harnessing ICTs for political mobilisation. This chapter is a case study on how perceived state surveillance disrupted a vibrant communicative space in Zimbabwe. Based on evidence from the volumes of email traffic transacted over two weeks of panic, anger, and heroism, the chapter discusses the challenges and opportunities of using email for political mobilisation and warns against uncritical celebration of the role of ICTs in political mobilisation. It concludes by suggesting how the adaption of e-strategies from email marketing to political communication is among the skills that could break the tie between political opponents armed with the same convivial tools for political communication in the information age.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 274-299 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roland Bleiker

AbstractThe purpose of this article is to introduce and explore the political potential of visual autoethnography. I do so through my experience of working as a Swiss Army officer in the Korean Demilitarized Zone (DMZ). Drawing on my own photographs I examine how an appreciation of everyday aesthetic sensibilities can open up new ways of thinking about security dilemmas. I argue that visual autoethnography can be insightful not because it offers better or even authentic views – it cannot – but because it has the potential to reveal how prevailing political discourses are so widely rehearsed and accepted that we no longer see their partial, political, and often problematic nature. I illustrate this potential in two ways: (1) how a self-reflective engagement with my own photographs of the DMZ reveals the deeply entrenched role of militarised masculinities; (2) how my positionality and my photographs of everyday life in North Korea show that prevailing security discourses are highly particular and biased, even though they are used to justify seemingly objective policy decisions.


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