Monastic Reading and Learning in eighteenth-century Bilād al-Šām: Some Evidence from the Monastery of al-Šuwayr (Mount Lebanon)

Arabica ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 462-477 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carsten-Michael Walbiner

AbstractA thematic analysis of the manuscripts which were read, copied and written by the monks, the paper raises the issue of education and knowledge amongst the members of the Greek Catholic congregation of the Basilians of al-Šuwayr (Mount Lebanon) during the 18th century, a time in which the order constituted an intellectual centre in Syria, although its influence remained mainly restricted to the own communiy. Despite all efforts the level of knowledge remained—compared with European standards—low. But the monks nevertheless developed a basic attitude, which was important for the introduction of modernity to the Arab world in the 19th century. They had broad interests beyond the narrow limits of their own religion and did not assume from the start a disapproving attitude towards the knowledge and inventions of the West. These were decisive preconditions for a process of learning that had become imperative if the Orient wanted to close the quickly widening scientific gap between East and West.

Author(s):  
Lusine Sargsyan ◽  
◽  
Davit Ghazaryan ◽  
◽  

This study is dedicated to the Armenian manuscript and printed Amulet1 of the Armenian Diocese of Baghdad (DAOB). In this collection of early printings, there are two printed Amulets in scroll (Pr. n. 14, second half of the 19th century and Pr. n. 15, A.D. 1716). The third Amulet is a manuscript written in 1736 in the city of Erzrum (Karin) for a certain Ohan (Ms. n. 13). The scanned copies of these amulets are currently available through the website of Hill Museum and Manuscript Library (HMML).2 Since this paper is the first study of these amulets, it presents them in terms of codicology and bibliographical study and discusses their decoration. The study of some iconographic details will help to reveal the practice of using amulets and their meaning, considering them as a representation of Armenian “folklore-art”, since scribes and miniaturists were partly free to choose texts and decorate them, even they were mostly works of the priesthood.3 It should be noted that as artifacts of the same genre, having a purpose of protection of their owners using incantations and prayers, very often the content and decoration of these three Amulets have similarities. From this point of view, Ms. n. 13 (A.D. 1736) and Pr. n. 15 (A.D. 1716) are more relevant to each other both in content and, accordingly, in decoration. A selection of prayers and illustrations to them show almost the same structure, and for the printed Amulet, we can certainly argue that such structure was typical (but not limited) for the printed Amulets in the Armenian tradition from the 18th to 19th centuries. Despite some similarities with two previous Amulets, the Pr. n. 14 (19th century) represent another structure of content and its decoration. It is enriched with prayers and illustrations which does not exist in mentioned above two examples of the 18th century. E.g. engravings depicting the life of Christ (Annunciation, Birth of Jesus Christ, Baptism, Resurrection, etc.), or portraits of the evangelists, accompanied by the passages from their Gospels. Our research shows that the publishers of this Amulet had an eighteenth-century prototype and took an innovative approach using Western art engravings.


2019 ◽  
pp. 257-278
Author(s):  
Katy Romanou

This chapter concerns the interactions between Eastern and western music from the ninth to the 19th century. Through observations of western writers (such as Zarlino, Burney, Martini, Villoteau, Fétis) about the music of their contemporary Greeks, it is shown that most of the Eastern terms and concepts described in western treatises of the 9th century (when the East influenced the West) have been preserved almost unchanged in the Greek church over the centuries. By the end of the 18th century, westernisation of the East and the spread of nationalism brought great political and cultural changes to the population of Asia Minor. In Constantinople, music theory and the notation of the Greek chant were then rationalised (westernised). In the books of the reformer, Chrysanthos of Madytos, the strong influence of the French Enlightenment is most evident, side by side though with, still vivid, Eastern concepts and ideas.


2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (11) ◽  
pp. 91-96
Author(s):  
Gulnara Sadraddinova

At the beginning of the 19th century, under the influence of the French bourgeois revolution and nationalist ideas, the Greeks revolted to secede from the Ottoman Empire and gain independence. It was no coincidence that the main members of the Filiki Etheriya Society, which led the uprising, as well as its secret leaders were Greeks who served the Russian government. Russia, which wanted to break up the Ottoman Empire and gain a foothold in the seas, had been embroiled in various conflicts with the Austrian alliance since the 18th century, before the uprising. Russia, which managed to isolate the Ottoman Empire from the West through the Greek uprising, also acquired large tracts of land through the Edirne Peace Treaty, which was signed as a result of the Russo-Turkish War. However, although Britain, France, Austria, and Prussia agreed with Russia on granting autonomy to Greece, they did not intend to transfer control of the newly formed state to Russia. The revolt of the Greeks against the Ottoman Empire in 1821-1830 resulted in the victory of the Greeks. The revolt was organized and intensified with the help of great powers. The article discusses Greece's independence as a result of the uprising. In this regard, the London Protocol of April 3, 1830, signed by Russia, France and England, is of special importance. The newly established Greek state was revived as the Aegean state. Greece's borders have become clearer. The article also deals with the redefinition of the Ottoman-Greek borders by the Treaty of Constantinople of 1832. Although the London Protocol of 1830 formally established the Greek state, the Great Powers and the Greeks were not content with that. Russia, as during the uprising, remained a state that influenced the "Eastern policy" of European states after the uprising. This study was dedicated to all these factors.


Author(s):  
María Baudot Monroy

La implantación de las reformas administrativas para controlar y rentabilizar el Imperio, promovidas por la Corona española para las Filipinas durante el siglo XVIII, se realizó con muchas dificultades y retrasos, debido a le férrea oposición de la oligarquía manilense a perder privilegios, el control de las instituciones y la gestión del Galeón de Manila, principal fuente de ingresos de la colonia. Este trabajo trata sobre la construcción de la Real Armada en Filipinas, cuya implantación y desarrollo no fue posible hasta que se encomendó a marinos del Cuerpo General de la Armada a partir de la segunda mitad del siglo XVIII. El esfuerzo de estos hombres sentó las bases para que la Armada contribuyera a la conservación de las Filipinas durante el siglo XIX.mada contribuyera a la conservación de las Filipinas durante el siglo XIX.     AbstractThe implementation of administrative reforms to control and make profitable the Empire, promoted by the Spanish Crown in the Philippines, were carried out with many difficulties and delays due to the strong opposition of the Manila oligarchy who were afraid to lose their privileges and control of the institutions. Especially that of the Manila Galleon, the main source of income for the colony. These article deals with the construction of the Royal Navy, whose implantation and development was not possible until it was entrusted to officers of the Navy from the second half of the 18th century. The effort of these men laid the foundations for the Navy to contribute to the conservation of the Philippines during the 19th century.


2009 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 187-194
Author(s):  
Sergey Ivanov ◽  

Our paper is concerned with the linguistic work of two Russian antiquarians, Vasily Kirillovich Tredyakovsky (1703–1769) and Alexander Petrovich Sumarokov (1717–1777). Both of them are renowned mostly as poets, but their antiquarian skills are much less known. For a long time their etymologies were regarded as a historical curiosity and it was only recently that there appeared a noticeable shift towards a more favourable opinion. But while dealing with history of linguistics, we should ignore correctness / falseness or plausibility / implausibility of etymologies and lay the emphasis on the task and purpose of an author. Etymological studies have always been a handy instrument for detecting the origins of peoples. The 18th century Europe witnessed an extraordinary rise of celtomania. Scholars tried to find Celtic roots of their nations, striving to emphasize their significance and priority, which was understood as antiquity or, one might say, indigenity. Tredyakovsky set himself a similar task in his “Three treatises on three main Russian antiquities” (1758). He starts with comparing Slavic and Germanic languages aiming to prove that Slavic is more ancient than Germanic and, accordingly, the Slavs are superior to the Germans. Taking into account the fact that the author did not distinguish between Slavic and Russian, it is obvious that in the end he sees his task in glorifying the Russian nation. Tredyakovsky’s treatise, for all its intents and purposes, is a rebuttal of German scholars who have claimed the superiority of Teutonic languages over Slavic. Tredyakovsky resorts to the best possible argument that was in store of contemporary linguistic science and appeals to Celtic language which was perceived as the last instance due to a celtomaniac wave that flooded all over Europe. For this purpose he first derives Slavic from Scythian, or rather identifies the Scythians with the Slavs, and then claims the antiquity of Scythian. Now, it turns out that the Slavonic language in fact is identical not only to Scythian, but also to Celtic, in a sense that Celts had spoken Slavonic before they formed a separate tribe and spread all over Europe where due to the natural language corruption they lost their original dialect and fell away from their roots. By means of such argument the Slavonic language at once takes the upper hand over Teutonic. In fact, Tredyakovsky tries to implant the European celtomania in the Russian ground, but substitutes the Slavs for the Celts, thereby changing celtomania into slavomania. In my opinion, Tredyakovsky’s etymologies should be considered against the background of this purely pragmatic task; in this case they cannot be regarded as ridiculous or curious. They should be taken as historical facts determined by extralinguistic causes. Certainly, Tredyakovsky’s use of linguistic arguments has often been ad hoc. Once Slavic was proclaimed as the most ancient language, it was necessary to show that the material of all other languages may be deduced and explained on the ground of Slavic. Naturally, the most valuable way of proving this was to derive from Russian ancient and modern ethnonyms as well as place names. In this manner a number of etymologies were produced, such as Etruscans – “hitroushki” (i. e. “sly ones”); Celts – “zhelty” (i.e. “yellow ones”) “after their fair hair”; Iberians – “oupery”, because they are locked (“ouperty”) from all sides by seas. Sumarokov published a treatise “On the origin of Russian people” which for the most part follows Tredyakovsky’s wake. Pragmatically considered, their work presents us with an interesting paradox: on the Russian ground the Western celtomania turns into slavomania. On the one hand, there is a noticeable and passionate desire to introduce the Russians into the European family of nations and, furthermore, to bring the Russian science up to the Western European standards. Making Slavs and Celts related, both scholars expanded the boundaries of Europe, presenting Russia as its natural part. From this point of view, they acted as predecessors of the 19th century “Westerners” in Russia. On the other hand, their method of etymologizing and the persistence with which they derived all the words of all languages from Russian, closely resembles the way of thinking which the 19th century slavophils adhered to.


1970 ◽  
pp. 47-55
Author(s):  
Sarah Limorté

Levantine immigration to Chile started during the last quarter of the 19th century. This immigration, almost exclusively male at the outset, changed at the beginning of the 20th century when women started following their fathers, brothers, and husbands to the New World. Defining the role and status of the Arab woman within her community in Chile has never before been tackled in a detailed study. This article attempts to broach the subject by looking at Arabic newspapers published in Chile between 1912 and the end of the 1920s. A thematic analysis of articles dealing with the question of women or written by women, appearing in publications such as Al-Murshid, Asch-Schabibat, Al-Watan, and Oriente, will be discussed.


1979 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 247-255 ◽  
Author(s):  
John C. Kramer

Opium smoking began spreading slowly but steadily in China from early in the 18th Century. It grew through the 19th Century to the point that by the end of the century it became a nearly universal practice among males in some regions. While estimates vary, it appears that most smokers consumed six grams or less daily. Addicted smokers were occasionally found among those smoking as little as three grams daily, but more often addicted smokers reported use of about 12 grams a day or more. An individual smoking twelve grams of opium probably ingests about 80 mg. of morphine. Thirty mg. of morphine daily may induce some withdrawal signs, while 60 mg. daily are clearly addicting. While testimony varied widely, it appears likely that most opium smokers were not disabled by their practice. This appears to be the case today, too, among those peoples in southeast Asia who have continued to smoke opium. There appear to be social and perhaps psychophysiological forces which work toward limiting the liabilities of drug use.


Polar Record ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 291-303 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Lähteenmäki

ABSTRACTThe academic study of local and regional history in Sweden took on a quite new form and significance in the 18th century. Humiliating defeats in wars had brought the kingdom's period of greatness to an end and forced the crown to re-evaluate the country's position and image and reconsider the internal questions of economic efficiency and settlement. One aspect in this was more effective economic and political control over the peripheral parts of the realm, which meant that also the distant region of Kemi Lapland, bordering on Russia, became an object of systematic government interest. The practical local documentation of this area took the form of dissertations prepared by students native to the area under the supervision of well known professors, reports sent back by local ministers and newspaper articles. The people responsible for communicating this information may be said to have functioned as ‘mimic men’ in the terminology of H.K. Bhabha. This supervised gathering and publication of local information created the foundation for the nationalist ideology and interest in ordinary people and local cultures that emerged at the end of the century and flourished during the 19th century.


2021 ◽  
Vol 133 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-27
Author(s):  
Sara Matrisciano ◽  
Franz Rainer

All major Romance languages have patterns of the type jaune paille for expressing shades of colour represented by some prototypical object. The first constituent of this pattern is a colour term, while the second one designates a prototypical representative of the colour shade. The present paper starts with a short discussion of the controversial grammatical status of this pattern and its constituents. Its main aim, however, concerns the origin and diffusion of this pattern. We have not found hard and fast evidence that Medieval Italian pigment compounds of the type verderame influenced the rise of the jaune paille pattern, which first appears in French in the 16th century. This pattern continued to be a minority solution during the 17th century, but established itself during the 18th century. In the 19th century, Italian, Spanish and Portuguese adopted the pattern jaune paille, while it did not reach Catalan and Romanian before the 20th century.


Author(s):  
Maria Berbara

There are at least two ways to think about the term “Brazilian colonial art.” It can refer, in general, to the art produced in the region presently known as Brazil between 1500, when navigator Pedro Álvares Cabral claimed the coastal territory for the Lusitanian crown, and the country’s independence in the early 19th century. It can also refer, more specifically, to the artistic manifestations produced in certain Brazilian regions—most notably Bahia, Minas Gerais, and Rio de Janeiro—over the 18th century and first decades of the 19th century. In other words, while denotatively it corresponds to the art produced in the period during which Brazil was a colony, it can also work as a metonym valid to indicate particular temporal and geographical arcs within this period. The reasons for its widespread metonymical use are related, on the one hand, to the survival of a relatively large number of art objects and buildings produced in these arcs, but also to a judicative value: at least since the 1920s, artists, historians, and cultivated Brazilians have tended to regard Brazilian colonial art—in its more specific meaning—as the greatest cultural product of those centuries. In this sense, Brazilian colonial art is often identified with the Baroque—to the extent that the terms “Brazilian Baroque,” “Brazilian colonial art,” and even “barroco mineiro” (i.e., Baroque produced in the province of Minas Gerais) may be used interchangeably by some scholars and, even more so, the general public. The study of Brazilian colonial art is currently intermingled with the question of what should be understood as Brazil in the early modern period. Just like some 20th- and 21st-century scholars have been questioning, for example, the term “Italian Renaissance”—given the fact that Italy, as a political entity, did not exist until the 19th century—so have researchers problematized the concept of a unified term to designate the whole artistic production of the territory that would later become the Federative Republic of Brazil between the 16th and 19th centuries. This territory, moreover, encompassed a myriad of very different societies and languages originating from at least three different continents. Should the production, for example, of Tupi or Yoruba artworks be considered colonial? Or should they, instead, be understood as belonging to a distinctive path and independent art historical process? Is it viable to propose a transcultural academic approach without, at the same time, flattening the specificities and richness of the various societies that inhabited the territory? Recent scholarly work has been bringing together traditional historiographical references in Brazilian colonial art and perspectives from so-called “global art history.” These efforts have not only internationalized the field, but also made it multidisciplinary by combining researches in anthropology, ethnography, archaeology, history, and art history.


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