The Kerry Peace Initiative in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: When Hope and Good Intentions Are Not Enough

2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 8-41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amira Schiff

Abstract This article examines the factors that contributed to the failure of the last major effort, which was carried out by us Secretary of State John Kerry, to facilitate a Final Status Agreement to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The analysis is based on an understanding that every effort to resolve this intractable conflict, even if unsuccessful, is worthy of examination, which can yield interesting observations and insights that may inform future attempts to find a solution. As President Trump’s administration makes intensive efforts to broker an Israeli-Palestinian peace agreement, and the us Middle East negotiation delegation shuttles intensively between the parties and between major regional actors to explore the possibility of renewing official negotiations, this seems like an opportune time to review the major factors that affected the outcome of the previous peace talks.

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 94
Author(s):  
Ahmad Kilani ◽  
Mohammad Ali Alawieh ◽  
Mussaui-Ulianishcheva E. V. ◽  
Ulyanishcheva L. V.

After almost twenty-five years since the Oslo accords, the last relatively successful peace agreement between the Palestinians and the Israelis, Trump’s plan is the newest attempt to achieve sustainable long-lasting peace in the Middle East between the two conflicting parties. This paper argues that the P&P plan is designed to a one-state solution. Through a comparison between the Oslo Accords and the P&P plan we can observe the shift from the two state notions to the one state concept with a system of apartheid. The article also attempts to suggest improvements on the plan to be more suitable for both parties under a one state solution, namely, to include a new constitution.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 186-216
Author(s):  
Leonardo Luiz Silveira Da Silva

Resumo: A descolonização do Oriente Médio que originou novos Estados na região da Bacia do rio Jordão, coincide temporalmente com um novo arranjo da ordem mundial que se reorganizava no período pós-Segunda Guerra Mundial. A trajetória da política externa da Jordânia na segunda metade do século XX é extremamente didática para entendermos os efeitos das relações de poder entre as nações em âmbito regional e global para a mudança de comportamento dos Estados que praticavam políticas anti-hegemônicas. Nesta trajetória destaca-se a intensa disputa pelos escassos recursos hídricos regionais, à medida que o recurso é fundamental para o desenvolvimento das atividades econômicas e para a própria soberania do Estado. Na já distante década de 1950, poucos anos após o conflito da Guerra de Independência que opôs Israel e os Estados árabes vizinhos, a Jordânia passou a adotar uma postura intransigente em relação à aproximação com Israel, apesar dos esforços dos Estados Unidos para promover a estabilidade regional. Com o acordo de paz entre Egito e Israel, mediado pelos Estados Unidos e costurado na virada das décadas de 1970 e 1980, o tabu da oposição sistemática a Israel foi rompido. Desta forma, este artigo tem como objetivo apresentar as mudanças na política externa da Jordânia na segunda metade do século XX, associando estas mudanças às novas estratégias norte-americanas para região, permitindo a compreensão das novas formas de imperialismo que dominam o cenário do Oriente Médio desde a década de 1970.Palavras-Chave: Jordânia, Estados Unidos, Israel, políticas anti-hegemônicas. Abstract: The decolonization of the Middle East that originated in the new states of the Jordan Basin region coincides temporally with a new arrangement of the world order, which is rearranged in the post - World War II period. The trajectory of the Jordanian foreign policy in the second half of the twentieth century is extremely didactic to understand the effects of power relations between nations on a regional and global level to the changing behavior of States which practiced anti - hegemonic politics. On this path there is the intense competition for scarce regional water resources, as the feature is essential for the development of economic activities and the very sovereignty of the state. In the distant 1950s, a few years after the conflict of the War of Independence which opposed Israel and neighboring Arab states, Jordan adopted an uncompromising stance towards rapprochement with Israel, despite U.S. efforts to promote peace in the region. With the peace agreement between Egypt and Israel, brokered by the United States and sewn at the turn of the 1970s and 1980s, the pattern of systematic opposition to Israel was broken. This paper aims to present the changes in Jordan's foreign policy in the second half of the twentieth century, linking these changes to the new US strategy for the region, allowing the understanding of new forms of imperialism which dominate the Middle East scenario since the decade 1970.Keywords: Jordan, United States, Israel, anti - hegemonic politics.


Author(s):  
Joseph Heller

This chapter debunks the myth that President Kennedy was the ‘father’ of the American alliance. Once he became predident he had to bow before the constraints of the state department, the Pentagon and the professional staff at the White House. he accepted the beliefs and assessments of Dean Rusk, the secretary of state and Robert McNamara, the secretary of defence. The US national archives show that American diplomats in the Middle East killed Kennedy’s idea of granting an American security guarantee to Israel. Any security they warned, would be followed by deeper Soviet involvement in the region. American commitment was limited to a presidential declaration of territorial integrity of al the regional states. Thus it was no surprise chief-of-staff Rabin failed to convince the US administration to provide a more cogent commitment to Israel.


1980 ◽  
Vol 20 (217) ◽  
pp. 206-206

Mr. Alexandre Hay, President of the International Committee of the Red Cross, accompanied by Mr. Sergio Nessi, head of the Financing Division, and Mr. Jean Hoefliger, delegate-general for the Middle East and North Africa, was in Tripoli (Libya) from 7 to 9 July. He was received by Colonel Moammar Qadaffi; Mr. Jadallah Azouz At-Talhi, President of the People's General Council; Mr. Abu Zaid Omar Durda, Secretary of State for Economic Affairs, representing the Minister for Foreign Affairs; and Dr Muftah Al-Osta Omar, Minister of Health and President of the Libyan Red Crescent, who was accompanied by Dr. Ahmed Abdallah Es-Sherif, Secretary-General, and Mr. Abdel Rahman Bonkela, adviser, to the National Red Crescent.


1978 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 237-274 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kemal H. Karpat

Population movements have always played a dynamic role in the transformation of human society throughout history. Indeed, there is not a single phase of history anywhere in the world which has not been related in some way to low or high rates of birth and mortality, to migration and settlement and to their social, cultural, economic, and political effects. The history of the Middle East supplies excellent examples to support this contention. The Muslim calendar begins with an act of migration, that is the hejira of a.d. 622. Migrants going from the countryside to urban centers or fleeing from areas hostile to Islam have always exerted a crucial influence upon the social and political destiny of Muslim countries. The refugees from Spain to North Africa in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the forced migration of Muslims from Russia (the Caucasus and Crimea) in the eighteenth to twentieth centuries, the shift of population in India, Pakistan, and Palestine in the 1940s, to cite just a few examples, have been major factors accounting, at least in part, for the social transformation of the Muslim world in general, and of the Middle East in particular.


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Masyrofah Masyrofah

Abstract: Peace Agreement Phenomena and Diplomatic Ties between Middle East Countries in Implementing Peace Process Regarding to Israeli-Palestinian Conflict after Palestine’s Independence. The full membership of Palestine in United Nations becomes a starting point of international recognition of Palestine’s Statehood. .Palestine has perceived its independence as “second round of independence” since its independence has been declared in 1988. Despite of Israeli’s settlement in West Bank and Jerusalem, Peace Process Agreement has been continuing. Middle East countries’ contribution has been so significant in terms of facilitating the agreement process. The recognition of Palestine’s statehood is hoped to put pressure on Israel to continue the talk on the agreement process and eventually stop the se settlement. At the end, the “two state solution” can be implemented.Key Words: Israeli-Palestinian Peace Agreement, the Role of Middle East, Two State Solutions Abstrak: Fakta Perjanjian Damai dan Hubungan Diplomatik Negara Timur Dalam Proses Perdamaian Konflik Israel-Palestina Pasca Kemerdekaan Palestina. Peningkatan status Palestina menjadi anggota penuh PBB menjadi titik penentu adanya dukungan internasional akan pengakuan Palestina sebagai negara berdaulat. Rakyat Palestina memaknai sebagai kemerdekaan Palestina jilid 2, karena kemerdekaannya telah dideklarasikan pada tahun 1988. Perundingan damai masih terus diupayakan oleh kedua belah pihak di tengah kemelut pembangunan pemukiman Yahudi di Tepi Barat dan Yerusalem. Peran negara Timur Tengah sangat besar dalam memfasilitasi proses perundingan. Harapan dari peningkatan status ini dapat menekan Israel agar melanjutkan perundingan dan menghentikan pembangunan pemukiman. Sehingga akhirnya dapat mewujudkan “two-states solution” (dua negara Palestina-Israel secara berdampingan). Kata Kunci : Perundingan damai Israel-Palestina, Peran Timur Tengah, Two States Solutions DOI: 10.15408/sjsbs.v2i1.2243 


1984 ◽  
Vol 24 (238) ◽  
pp. 36-47

From 30 November to 6 December, ICRC delegate-general for Africa Jean-Marc Bornet was on mission in Chad, where he had talks with the Ministers of the Interior and of Finance and also with the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.


AJIL Unbound ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 110 ◽  
pp. 161-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexandra Huneeus ◽  
René Urueña

In September and October of 2016, Colombians witnessed a series of political events that defied their belief. First, the Colombian Government and theFuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia—Ejército del Pueblo(FARC—EP), signed to great fanfare a historic peace agreement finalizing Colombia’s armed conflict. The Un Secretary-General, the U.S. Secretary of State, and dozens other top diplomats and heads of states gathered in Cartagena for an emotional signing ceremony, symbolically ending a fifty-year armed confrontation that, according to the Colombian Center for Historic Memory, killed more than two hundred thousand people, 80 percent of which were noncombatants.


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