A Global and Inclusive Agreement? Participation of Armed Actors in the Inter-Congolese Dialogue and Its Impact on Local Violence

2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sara Hellmüller

Abstract This article provides an analytical framework to understand how participation of armed actors in peace negotiations influences local violence. It argues that the link between violence and exclusion or inclusion of armed actors is often indirect and depends on armed actors’ underlying motivations to be included and their corresponding strategies. Based on an analysis of the Congolese peace process from 1999 to 2003, the article assesses how the mandate of the peace process influenced armed groups’ motivations to be included. It then analyzes the strategies that armed actors used to be included and examines their impact on local violence. Thereby, it allows for a more nuanced understanding of how participation of armed actors in a mediation process influences prospects for peace.

2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-90 ◽  
Author(s):  
Suzanne Ghais

Abstract This article examines the relationship between inclusion/exclusion of armed groups and the achievement of durable peace, using process tracing in two case studies: the peace process between the government of Chad and the rebel group Movement for Democracy and Justice in Chad, and the one between the government of the Philippines and the Moro National Liberation Front. The cases support theoretical arguments that excluded armed actors are more likely to renew armed confrontation after the peace accord. The study further elaborates the causal link: included armed rebels tend to negotiate for private benefits such as government posts and amnesty but also moderate their stances and emerge committed to the agreement; excluded armed actors lack any such commitment and still have unresolved grievances. They are thus more likely to renew armed action against the government.


2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-37
Author(s):  
Nicholas Ross

Abstract This article presents four case studies in which peace was negotiated between governments and political opposition parties, and in which major armed groups involved in the conflict were excluded from some or all of the negotiations. The inclusion of opposition political parties and exclusion of some armed actors in these cases derived from the desire of mediators and some of the parties to foreground political concerns (at the expense of military considerations). Opposition political parties were able to play a role in bringing armed groups into peace settlements under some conditions, although strong international pressure and support helped to create the preconditions for this role. This evidence suggests a challenge to arguments that major armed groups must be included in peace negotiations if they are to abide by the resulting peace settlement.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 227-245 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emile Badarin

This article explores the theoretical bases of the Israel-Palestine peace process to see how that impacts peacebuilding and everyday life in Palestine. It begins by examining the lens through which classical and contemporary realist and liberal thought approaches peace, nonpeace, war, and peacebuilding. Second, it examines how knowledge production on peacebuilding has been applied in the Israel-Palestine peace process based on selected confidential documents from the negotiations’ record that was made available in the so-called Palestine Papers published by the Al Jazeera Transparency Unit in 2011. My analysis of this source reveals how an embedded security and market metaphor regulated the Israel-Palestine peace negotiations. I argue that in an ambiguous context of decades-long negotiations, the results are in effect a “buyout” in which security is understood in exclusionary terms by the powerful side.


Author(s):  
Marie Larsen Ryberg

Marie Larsen Ryberg: Post Socialistic Answers: Schoolteachers and the “Modernising” of Elementary School in Brcko, Bosnia-Hercegovina Since the disintegration of Yugoslavia, international organisations and scholars have stressed the problems of primary education in Bosnia-Herzegovina, pointing to the “legacy” from socialist times and a need to “modernise” the school system. The aim of this article is to analyse the ways in which schoolteachers in Brčko, Bosnia-Herzegovina relate to the two most prominent NGOs present in Brčko and their efforts to “modernise” the teaching methodologies and implement “democracy” and “civic education”. The article argues that an understanding of the teachers’ practices should include a broader analytical framework than conceptualising them as a “legacy” or “backward.” For a more nuanced understanding, the article takes three analytical approaches. First, it argues that the teachers’ practices and ideas in relation to knowledge should be viewed as connected to a socialist narrative of modern development. Second, it points to gift-giving as a way of understanding how the teachers draw on teaching methods such as lectures and learning by heart. Third, the article points to a model of the socialist system, and suggests that an appreciation of the teachers’ exclusive role as bureaucrats in a socialist system of allocation is central to an understanding of their practices today. The article thus unfolds the different ideas, motives and structures that shape the teachers’ practices as a post-socialist respond rather than as a “legacy.” Keywords: Post-socialism, Bosnia-Herzegovina, education, modernization, knowledge, gift-giving. 


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Dylan Page

<p>The potential role of women in conflict and post-conflict environments has been the subject of much debate in the field of peace and conflict studies. In 2000 the United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 1325, which called for a greater involvement of women and acknowledgement of gender issues in conflict and post-conflict environments, and this has led to further discussion about what this might mean and how it might be implemented. Despite this women are continually under-represented in nearly all peace processes and there is no universally agreed upon way to ensure this situation does not come about. The barriers women face range from cultural to logistical and economic, and surmounting them can be hard to achieve.  One case where women have been involved at all levels in the peace process with substantial success is the Pacific island of Bougainville, where a conflict over mining issues and secession from Papua New Guinea was waged from 1988-1997. Women were active in attempts to bring all parties to negotiations during the conflict and have also been heavily involved in the continuing reconciliation and healing processes. For cultural reasons Bougainvillean women were well placed to perform the role of peace-builders but that is not to say that they did not face challenges and barriers to their involvement. This thesis examines the involvement of women in both the immediate peace negotiations and the longer-term aspects of the peace process in Bougainville in order explain how and why they enjoyed these successes and what lessons can be learnt from this case in regards to the potential roles of women in other post-conflict environments. Four factors will be identified as key to women's involvement in the peace process: the history of Bougainville up to and including the conflict; the grassroots mobilisation and organisation of women; the traditional cultural roles of women in Bougainville; and the identification of women with motherhood and its associated traits.  These factors indicate that the involvement of women in peace processes is highly context-specific and although there are policies which can be pursued to encourage their participation the potential barriers to this are imposing.</p>


2015 ◽  
Vol 14 (5) ◽  
pp. 662-681
Author(s):  
Grigorii V. Golosov

This study develops a methodological tool for integration of research on party system fragmentation and party system nationalization. The method is built by decomposing a standard indicator of fragmentation, the effective number of parties, into individual-party components (effective size scores), and weighting them by nationalization scores, which allows for disaggregating the number of parties into two distinct components, the effective numbers of national and regional parties. As a result, it becomes possible to assess the influences of substantively important factors upon the components of the number of parties and the overall level of fragmentation in a methodologically consistent, quantifiable way. In addition, the proposed framework of analysis differentiates between direct and indirect effects upon party system fragmentation. A preliminary empirical test on a sample from 90 countries demonstrates that the proposed framework for analysis allows for achieving a rich and nuanced understanding of the factors of party system fragmentation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 49-68
Author(s):  
Zhiwei Wu ◽  
Zhuojia Chen

Abstract This article explores how Chinese games are localized for Southeast Asia (SEA) markets. Based on the synthesized insights from practitioners and gamers, we identify gaps between localization in theory and in practice. The post-gold model is popular with Chinese game companies that usually do not consider localizing a game until it has attained domestic success. They tend to opt for full localization rather than “deep localization” (Bernal-Merino 2011) because adapting visuals and game mechanics is considered “icing on the cake”. Additionally, in our data, gamers seem to prefer foreignization over domestication, while practitioners combine both strategies to create a defamiliarizing gaming experience. Finally, the language diversity in SEA and the lingua franca status of English call for a nuanced understanding of locale. Hence, we suggest to differentiate three types of locales (presumed, practiced, and preferred) as a possible analytical framework to further theorize game localization from multiple perspectives of stakeholders.


2020 ◽  
Vol 42 (7-8) ◽  
pp. 1360-1376
Author(s):  
Sanem Şahin ◽  
Christiana Karayianni

The article investigates journalism in societies that are working towards a peaceful resolution. Focusing on the ongoing peace process in Cyprus, it studies the influences and difficulties journalists experience when they report on the negotiations. The peace process in Cyprus, which has been divided since 1974 following a conflict between Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots, is continuing. Thematic analysis of the interviews conducted with 67 journalists identifies the key issues that affect journalists in Cyprus when they report on the conflict and peace negotiations. The results show that journalists experience tension between professional values and a sense of belonging and move between professional and national/ethnic identities to cope with it. The results also indicate that despite political and ideological pressures, journalists exercise agency, making attempts to challenge and alter them.


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