DTCA of Prescription Medicines in the European Union: Is There Still a Need for a Ban?

2010 ◽  
Vol 17 (5) ◽  
pp. 471-484 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mareen Poser

AbstractThe pharmaceutical sector is one of the main markets in the European Union. The consumption of medicines is high and steadily increasing. However, the pharmaceutical market is subject to a wider range of restrictions than almost any other sector. The restrictions mainly apply to information provision and advertising practice within the community. One of the main features in pharmaceutical regulation is the ban on direct-to-consumer advertising (DTCA) of prescription medicines. However, an abolition of the ban is controversial in the European Community, especially as the pharmaceutical industry keeps pleading for its ability to use the highly effective marketing strategy of DTCA to promote prescription medicines to the general public. Such advertising is only allowed in two jurisdictions in the world, New Zealand and the United States. In both systems the impact of DTCA on the consumer and the economy has been subject to research. The outcome of these studies is outlined in this article. Since the European Commission has provided a new proposal to amend the current information practice regarding prescription medicines in 2008 (European Commission, Proposal for a Directive of the European Parliament and of the Council Amending, as Regards Information to the General Public on Medicinal Products Subject to Medical Prescription, Directive 2001/83/EC on the Community Code Relating to Medicinal Products for Human Use, COM/2008/0663 final) it is time to examine different options to regulate the provision of information and discuss the need for a ban of DTCA.

Author(s):  
Hitoshi Suzuki ◽  
Yu Suzuki ◽  
Yoshimi Igawa

Japan and the European Union have historically developed relations, from trade conflicts to mutual cooperation between global actors. Japan’s prewar attitude and postwar rapid reconstruction caused misunderstandings and frictions, but these were gradually overcome thanks to the efforts made by Japan, the European Commission and member state governments. After the Cold War ended, policy fields of cooperation expanded from “mutual” market liberalization to foreign direct investments, aid, security, and environment. Japan and the EU jointly aided the newly liberalized countries in Central Eastern Europe, while the EU sought to strengthen its relations with countries in the Asia-Pacific. The Japan–EU Economic Partnership Agreement and the Strategic Partnership Agreement of 2018 were signed on the 50th anniversary of the customs union. The Agreements are jointly aimed by both parties to foster global free trade and shared values. For the first time in postwar history, Japan and the EU had reached an agreement before achieving one with the United States. Japan–EU relations are the strongest they have been since 1959 when the Japanese Mission to the European Communities and the European Commission Delegation to Japan were established. But the security threats in the Pacific indicate that bilateral relations between Japan and member states—the United Kingdom and France at the forefront—are still in play. The impact of Brexit, estimated to be felt more on the Japanese side, is also an issue requiring close study.


2007 ◽  
Vol 09 (02) ◽  
pp. 141-160 ◽  
Author(s):  
JENNIFER FRANZ ◽  
COLIN KIRKPATRICK

Since the adoption of the EU's first Sustainable Development Strategy in 2001, the European Commission has been committed to undertaking impact assessments of its major policy proposals, covering the potential positive and negative economic, social and environmental effects both inside and outside the European Union. This paper provides as evaluation of a sample of the Commission's recent EC Impact Assessments, focusing on the extent to which the goal of sustainable development has been integrated into the impact assessment analysis.


2021 ◽  
pp. 126-143
Author(s):  
Tereza Čejková

After expressing concerns about the state of democracy and civil rights in Poland and Germany in recent years, the European Commission proposed to implement the so-called rule of law condition in the 2021–2027 multiannual financial framework scheme, under which EU budget funding would not be allocated to those Member States which do not comply with the condition. This work will examine the financial and legal aspects of this condition and assess the impact of its application on the economy of the European Union.


2021 ◽  
pp. 180-187
Author(s):  
Nataliia SHYBAIEVA ◽  
Tetiana KVIATKO ◽  
Otabeg AZIZOV

The article identifies the impact of agricultural policy on the development of state regulation of the economies of European Union member states (EU). The main reason for the implementation of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) for EU member states has been identified. Some key reforms have been analyzed implemented within the integration association. It was found that the reform of CAP is due to the need to address market price uncertainty, respond to expanding access to the EU market by free trade agreements, use digital technologies to improve the accuracy and efficiency of CAP tools, accelerate their practical application, increase attention to environmental issues, environment, and climate change. The article also presents the main economic and social goals of the CAP, which are included in the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union. It is established that the institutional component of the CAP reform is reflected in the introduction of proposals into the legislative framework of the CAP for the period 2021-2027. The proposals of the European Commission were formulated in nine key objectives, which are considered in this article. Some tools, requirements for their use, and indicators for measuring progress towards the nine specific objectives of the CAP, which the European Commission has proposed to EU member states to achieve the defined goals are also analyzed. The CAP EU budget for 2014-2020 is considered and compared with the proposed budget for 2021-2027 (in constant 2018 prices).


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 74-95
Author(s):  
D. V. Yefremenko

The article examines the dynamics and prospects of resolving the main confl icts in the Western Balkans three decades after the collapse of Yugoslavia. The most important factors infl uencing the confl ict dynamics in the region are ethnonationalism, ethnic homogenization and external interference. Western intervention made it possible to stop hostilities, but at the same time it actually consolidated the results of ethnic homogenization. The Serbo-Croatian confl ict is close to its exhaustion due to the actual support of the West for Operation “Storm” (1995), the exodus of more than 200 thousand Serbs from Croatia, the integration of Croatia into NATO and the European Union. Despite the negative burden of historical memory, both Zagreb and Belgrade in bilateral relations are increasingly guided by political pragmatism and balanced assessments of the qualitatively changed situation. Against this background, the Dayton model of state structure in Bosnia and Herzegovina, built on the basis of institutional transactions of actors representing competing ethnocultural communities, demonstrates its dysfunctionality. The interaction and cooperation of these actors remain largely limited, carried out under external control and pressure. Regarding the structure of the article, the author, fi rst, discusses some general issues contributing to the enduring confl ict in the Western Balkans; second, the article examines the prospects of antagonism between the Serbs and Croats; third, I analyze the impact of the Dayton Accords on the post-Yugoslav space. I conclude that scenarios for the future of the Western Balkans, to which the European Union and the United States are oriented, do not lead to the elimination of the causes of major confl icts in the post-Yugoslav space and obviously diverge in essential points from the images of the desired future that correspond to the aspirations of a signifi cant part of the population in the region.


Author(s):  
Marina Popa ◽  
Maia Pisaniuc

The objective of this research is to demonstrate the impact of technological, economic and social indicators on productivity and competitiveness through the HARD Matrix method, proposed by the European Commission. The level of economic development of different countries, as well as the degree of diversification and specialization of their world production, determines the degree of integration of national economies in the world economy that differs considerably by country and group of countries. The expansion and amplification of the internationalization process have substantially changed the place and role of each state in the world economy. Due to this process, today's world economy is no longer a simple sum of economies put in contact, but a global-universal system, unitary through the interrelationships between the component subsystems and its extremely heterogeneous structure. In the twenty first-century, the process of amplifying innovation, the net economy, and the Covid 19 pandemic have shaped new trends in the world countries and determined the balance of power between the three great empires of the world – the United States, the European Union, and China. At the same time, there are no similar links between the United States, the European Union and China, they do not share the same culture, do not share the same geographic space, and do not use the same models of economic development, but all of them consider innovation, sophisticated business, technology, safe tools in promoting economic growth and competitiveness.


2022 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Clara Portela ◽  
Thijs Van Laer

Since the 1990s, sanctions senders like the European Union, the United States, and the United Nations have been imposing visa bans and asset freezes on individuals as a key element of their sanctions packages. Notwithstanding the growing centrality that individual sanctions have acquired in international sanctions practice, little is known about the impact of sanctions listings on designees. Some researchers have scrutinised targeting choices, while others have explored the effects of sanctions on designees. However, no study has yet examined the fit between targeting choices and impacts on designees. First, we interrogate the theory of targeted sanctions to identify the expectations that it generates. Second, we examine the effects on designees and contrast them with the targeting logic of the sender, in a bid to ascertain their fit. Our analysis of the cases of Côte d’Ivoire (2010–2011) and Zimbabwe (2002–2017) benefits from original interview material.


Author(s):  
Dorota Dakowska

Whether higher education (HE) can be defined as a European Union (EU) policy has been matter of debate. Formally, education is still a domestic prerogative, and in principle, the EU can only support and supplement national governments’ initiatives in the sector. Yet, this official division of tasks has been challenged in many ways over the last decades. First, the history of European integration shows that the European community took an early interest in educational matters. The Treaty of Rome established a community competency on vocational training. Subsequently, the European Commission framed HE and vocational training as two entangled policies. Second, the EU institutions, the member states, and noninstitutional actors have coordinated in innovative ways, through soft governance processes promoted by the Bologna Process and the EU Lisbon—and later Europe 2020—strategy, to impose a European HE governance based on standards and comparison. Third, the study of HE requires going beyond an EU-centric perspective, with international organizations such as the OECD and the Council of Europe cooperating closely with the European Commission. HE has been increasingly shaped by global trends, such as the increased competition between universities. The mechanisms of European HE policy change have elicited academic debates. Three main explanations have been put forward: the power of instruments and standards, the impact of the Commission’s funding schemes, and the influence of interconnected experts, stakeholders and networks. Domestic translations of European recommendations are highly diverse and reveal a gap between formal adaptations and local practices. Twenty years after the Bologna declaration, the European Higher Education Area (EHEA) presents a mixed picture. On the one hand, increased mobility and the growing interconnectedness of academic schemes facilitate the launch of ambitious projects such as the “European universities.” On the other hand, concerns are periodically raised about the growing bureaucratization of the process and the widening gap between the small world of the Brussels stakeholders and everyday academic practices in EHEA participant countries. Paradoxically, smaller and non-EU countries have been more actively involved in advancing the EHEA than large, older EU member states.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 123-139
Author(s):  
Paulina Szeląg

On January 19, 2012, the European Commission (Commission) decided to launch a visa liberalisation dialogue with Kosovo, and on June 14, 2012, it handed over to Kosovo’s government a ‘Roadmap Towards a Visa-free Regime’. This document included 95 requirements that Kosovo had to fulfil. By 2016, the Commission had adopted four reports on progress made by Kosovo in the visa dialogue. In a report issued on May 4, 2016, the EC proposed to the Council of the EU (Council) and the European Parliament (EP) to lift visa requirements on the citizens of Kosovo. The Commission stressed that by the day of the adoption of the proposal by the EP and the Council, Kosovo must have ratified the border/boundary agreement with Montenegro and strengthened its track record in the fight against organised crime and corruption. On July 18, 2018, the Commission confirmed in a report on the progress made by Kosovo in the visa dialogue, that the country had fulfilled the last two requirements included in the roadmap. The aim of this article is to analyse the visa-liberalisation dialogue between the European Union (EU) and Kosovo and whether liberalisation through a visa-free regime with Kosovo had an influence on reducing organised crime and corruption in Kosovo. The article is based on an analysis of primary and secondary sources, as well as statistical data.


IG ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 44 (3) ◽  
pp. 227-234
Author(s):  
Peter-Christian Müller-Graff

This article scrutinizes the impact of the widely criticized PSPP-judgement of the Federal Constitutional Court (FCC) on the Union´s legal order. It shows that the European Commission´s opening of an infringement procedure was inevitable due to the FCC´s disregard of the rules of the preliminary reference procedure, denies the necessity of a modification of the Union´s judicial architecture and develops recommendations for the future loyal cooperation between the FCC and the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) in handling such disputes.


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