Banning Jewish “Extremist” Literature in Russia: Conversion and Toleration in Historical Perspective

2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 187-210
Author(s):  
Ellie R. Schainker

In 2017, Russia’s Ministry of Justice banned a nineteenth-century book written by the German rabbi Markus Lehmann, labeling it extremist literature. This article places current Russian efforts to stamp out religious extremism in a broader historical context of imperial productions of tolerance and intolerance and the impact on religious minorities. It examines the case of Jews in the Russian Empire and post-Soviet Russia through the lens of religious conversion, forced baptisms, and freedom of conscience in the realm of apostasy. Lehmann’s book, characteristic of nineteenth-century Orthodox Jewish historical fiction in German, used the historical memory of forced conversions of Jews in medieval and early modern Europe to forge a new path to integration in tolerant, Protestant environs. This article offers a historical and literary reading of Lehmann’s banned book against the longer arc of imperial Russian toleration and conservative appropriations of toleration for discrimination against minorities.

2020 ◽  
pp. 107-155
Author(s):  
Tamara S. Wagner

The second chapter explores how nineteenth-century parenting publications shaped popular narratives of babyhood and baby care. A critical analysis of the power of the print media in producing as well as spreading rapidly commodified advice material allows us to reconsider the still persistent phenomenon of competing books on babies in its historical context. The expanding market of expert instructions reconfigured images of babyhood, codifying the baby as a source of anxiety that required clinical knowledge and intervention. Women writers of popular childrearing manuals such as Eliza Warren, the main rival of the bestselling Isabella Beeton, packaged infant care advice in narratives, at once trading on and endeavouring to reshape this market. A crucial link between putatively professional, systematically presented, parenting instructions and the interpolation of infant care advice in popular fiction, Warren’s full-scale childrearing manual in narrative form, How I Managed My Children from Infancy to Marriage (1865), provides a test case of the shifting focus on personal experience and new expert knowledge in the selling of parenting publications. Since the nineteenth-century market for these publications was informed by a general move to hands-on, practical advice, Warren’s strategies in creating her authorial persona to market a mother’s experience formed a symptomatic and influential component in the impact of advice literature both on perceptions of baby care and on the literary baby.


2021 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-169
Author(s):  
Mikołaj Tarkowski

The article illustrates that property rights, including in particular property and the relationship between property rights and the category of freedom in the nineteenth-century Russian Empire, was one of the most important areas of scientific activity of Richard Pipes. For centuries, both the institution of freedom and property were highly politicised. Based on Richard Pipes’ findings, it can be concluded that the relationship between ownership and freedom manifested itself in the feature of relativity or ambivalence, depending on the time and individual parts of the Russian Empire. In the 19th century, the former mainly influenced the development of the monetary economy, while the latter strengthened the idea of samoderzhavyie in the political system. Richard Pipes noticed the sources of the antinomy between the idea of freedom and property in nineteenth-century Russia in the dynamically developing economic life and the “stillness” of the autocratic political power system. Following this concept, the article presents the doubts appearing among the St Petersburg ruling elite as well as provincial officials related to establishing the personal freedom of peasants in Russia, which finally took place in 1861. The system of tsarist autocracy in Russia, which was developing throughout history, noticed significant links between property and freedom. A good example of this process was the confiscation of land property. In this regard, the article mentions political premises, the impact of the phenomenon of “paradox and tragedy,ˮ as well as the socio-economic calculations carried out in the field of confiscating private property in the western governorates of the Russian Empire, after the January Uprising of 1863.


Author(s):  
Т. Rocchi

The first outbreak of mass political terrorism in the 20th century took place in the Russian Empire, especially in the First Russian Revolution of 1905-1907. However, these events have not received proper attention in the historical memory of Russia and Europe and in the history of world terrorism. The author examines the factors enabling the continued existence of a huge “blank spot” in the memory of Russia and the world. The under-evaluation of the significance of terrorism in the first decade of the 20th century is closely connected with the under-evaluation of the First Russian Revolution as an independent revolution. In the Soviet Union, historians emphasized that the Revolution of 1905-1907 was “the dress rehearsal” for the Great October Socialist Revolution of 1917. In post-Soviet Russia, many historians and publicists consider the Revolution of 1905-1907 “the dress rehearsal” for the “Golgotha” of 1917. There is a strong tendency to idealize the autocracy and right-wing movements and to demonize socialists and liberals. Many solid monographs and articles about terrorism are now being published in Russia. However, we still do not have exhaustive investigations covering the entire period of terrorism between 1866 (attempted assassination of Tsar Alexander II on April 4, 1866 by the revolutionary D.V. Karakozov) and 1911, examining the ideologies and tactics of different parties and movements, the government’s policies on political crimes, the relationships of society, especially among different political movements, to terrorism, and the differences between terrorism and other types of mass violence such as mass protest movements of different strata of the population and criminal violence. Only through a painstaking and multi-sided analysis of the terrorist phenomenon in the European-wide historical context we can determine the place of terrorism in the historical memory of Russia and Europe.


2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-194
Author(s):  
Inna Gīle

The research deals with a subject that has not been investigated previously, but is a significant topic in the historical memory of Latvian culture – participation and importance of nurses in the War of Independence of Latvia. Many nurses worked in the military units and war medicine institutions of the Latvian Army. They fulfilled their professional responsibilities with selflessness and often died in the line of duty. Unfortunately nurses’ role in this military conflict is not clarified. The objective of this paper is to study the role of nurses during the War of Independence of 1918–1920 and the impact of the activity of nurses related to the military sphere on historical memory. Chronological confines include the period of time from November 18, 1918, when the democratic and independent state of Latvia was established, till August 11, 1920, when the Peace Treaty was signed between Latvia and Soviet Russia. To reach that purpose, we need to look at many aspects – study the change of women’s role at the beginning of the 20th century, especially under the circumstances of World War I; consider the significance of the War of Independence in the region and investigate the contribution of nurses in the War of Independence, what professional responsibilities they fulfilled and what were the difficulties they encountered and, finally, how their commitment has been preserved in historical memory.


2014 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
IAN HUNTER

This essay argues that today's dominant understanding of secularization—as an epochal transition from a society based on religious belief to one based on autonomous human reason—first appeared in philosophical histories at the beginning of the nineteenth century and was then anachronistically applied to early modern Europe. Apart from the earlier and persisting canon-law use of the term to refer to a species of exclaustration, prior to 1800 the standard lexicographical meaning of “secularization” was determined by its use in public law and diplomacy to name the civil conversion of ecclesiastical property and jurisdiction. Prior to the same point the most important use of the adjective “secular” was in political jurisprudence as a synonym for temporal, civil, and political, to name a religious–political settlement from which rival theologies had been excluded as the condition of its negotiation. But this usage was domain-specific, was quite compatible with religious devotion, and had nothing to do with the putatively secular character of the spheres of philosophy or the natural sciences, thence “society”. Far from seeing a shift from religious belief to autonomous rationality, early modernity in fact witnessed a significant intensification of religious belief and practice under the impact of rival confessional movements. It also emerges that the nineteenth century was characterized not by the supersession of confessional religions—or their conversion into rational religion or moral philosophy—but by their remarkable persistence and adaptation to new circumstances. In light of this, the essay argues that the variant philosophical-historical conceptions of secularization—as the epochal supersession of religious belief by human rationality—should not be understood as theories of a putative process but as “combat concepts”. These were internal to an array of rival cultural-political factions that first emerged in early nineteenth-century Protestant Germany and that continue to do battle today.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Galina Sinko ◽  
Vladimir Shaidurov ◽  
Asiyat Guseynova

German migration to the Russian state has a long history. Between the sixteenth and the mid-eighteenth centuries, prisoners of war captured during the Livonian War (1558–1583) and persons invited to Russia by the Muscovite grand princes and Russian tsars (Ivan III, Ivan IV, Peter I, etc.) settled in Russia. In the second half of the eighteenth century, the resettlement of Germans became part of the state’s migration policy, which determined the fate of one of the empire’s most numerous ethnic minorities for many decades. This article deals with changes to the administration of German rural settlements in the Russian Empire in the second half of the nineteenth century. This period was important for the legal status of foreign colonies due to the adoption of the Statute of Colonies of 1857, which provided detailed regulation of the rights and obligations of foreign colonists. One of the tasks of the political, economic, and social reforms of the 1860s–1870s was the unification of the rural population and the elimination of the social exclusivity of foreign colonists. A pragmatic approach regarding the use of colonists for the settlement and rational development of empty territories brought positive results for these regions. The analysis here makes it possible to consider the measures taken by the Russian authorities to streamline the legislation, norms, and rules for the economic, administrative, everyday, and spiritual life of German colonists. With the help of comparative analysis, the authors study changes in state policy towards foreign colonists and the abolition of privileges as a result of the adoption of the law “the supremely approved rules about the management of settler-owners (former colonists)” on 4 June 1871. The study makes it possible to assess the impact of large-scale administrative changes on various spheres of life and activities of the German colonists, a separate category of the Russian Empire’s population.


Author(s):  
Graeme J. Milne

This essay focuses on business networks in the North of England in the nineteenth century, with particular attention paid to shipowning interests. Graeme J. Milne looks at both regional and national economies to understand the role of the shipowner, and explores the web of interconnect relationships between shipowners, merchants, and other economic figures. He determines the impact of shipowning business culture on wider commercial decision-making. He concludes by affirming that shipping in a historical context can be better understood by studying interconnections in related fields, rather than as an isolated industry.


2006 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-102
Author(s):  
Alan Gordon

Abstract Historical heroes are created to represent particular social and political goals. Jacques Cartier is a case in point. He is really a nineteenth century figure. Although he lived in the sixteenth century, he was unremembered before the 1830s. Thus, he is a product of nineteenth-century scholarship, attitudes, and biases. Moreover, Cartier's historical meaning shifted over the course of some four decades from a religio-national affirmation to a symbol of cultural ties. Similarly, his historical context shifted; Jacques Cartier was never fixed in historical memory. In 1835, and again in 1889, Cartier was portrayed as the discoverer of Quebec, and in particular of Quebec City. By the 1930s, his significance had broadened to the discovery of Canada, with differing interpretations as to what that meant. But historical heroes are not rooted in reason. They are rooted in lived experience, or more precisely, in lived noumenal experience. The veneration of heroes is more emotional than rational.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 131
Author(s):  
Maxim Tarnawsky

The impact of the Valuev Directive on Ukrainian literature should, in principle, be measurable quantitatively. But the quality of the evidence, the size of the empirical sample, and other factors make any such measurement practically meaningless. The only way to gauge the impact of Valuev is to examine the personal and creative reactions of the persons most directly affected by the decree. Ivan Nechui-Levyts'kyi was the most prominent Ukrainian writer in the Russian Empire, and his response to the Valuev Directive offers a revealing picture of the circumstances in which Ukrainian literature was developing in the second half of the nineteenth century.


Author(s):  
O.A. Мезеря

The article deals with the problems of modern historiography of everyday life of Ukrainians in the context of Russian reforms of the second half of the nineteenth century, reveals the theme of the author's approaches to his views on a given topic.In the context of the liberalization of the Soviet regime in the late 1950s-1960s, the term "Ukrainian historiography" was reintroduced into scientific circulation With some liberalization of education, the government has tightened control over publishing activities. By law 1865 p. censorship institutions were transferred from the Ministry of Public Education to the Ministry of Internal Affairs. At the same time, church censorship operated. Emphasis is placed on scientific intelligence to explore a number of selected issues. Due to the above factors, the author solves the task of defining a research and comparative analysis of the impact of Russian reforms on the daily lives of Ukrainians. As a result of the 1861 reform carried out in the interests of the landowners, the economic situation of the bulk of the peasantry deteriorated significantly. That is why, since the 1970s, the anti-landlord peasant movement has been gaining ground in Ukraine. It increased even more in the late nineteenth century: according to incomplete data, during the period 1890-1900 alone, more than 150 riots of peasants occurred. Extremely difficult were the living and working conditions of the workers, who encouraged them to fight for their rights. In the 1880s and 1894s alone, 97 strikes and 13 riots took place in Ukraine. The total number of participants in the strikes was 29,000. Thus, despite the tsarist colonial policy, Ukraine was one of the first places in the Russian empire for economic development. However, its economy was largely one-sided. Finally. XIX century. Ukraine accounted for 70% of all production of the extractive industry, while in processing it accounted for only 15%. The peculiarity of Ukraine's economic development was the fact that capital accumulation took place not in the hands of Ukrainians, but in the hands of their foreign national exploiters.


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