History as Antidote to Wounded National Pride: Politics of History in Kemal Tahir’s Devlet Ana

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 257-283
Author(s):  
Servet Erdem
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
National Pride ◽  
Literary Institution ◽  
Politics Of History ◽  
Absolute Good ◽  
Inferiority Complex

Abstract This article analyses Devlet Ana, Kemal Tahir’s novel on the rise of the Ottomans, within the scope of the politics of history. Through an analysis of Tahir’s novel, the article reveals the political and ideological forces that brought about a reactionary, monolithic, and totalising understanding of history and historiography in the Turkish literary institution. The article argues that despite Tahir’s allegedly Marxist framing, his understanding of history—driven by an inferiority complex and Westophobia—hardly goes beyond an ethical binarism in which absolute good or evil racial and civilisational nature determines everything.

scholarly journals Fuel for Conspiracy: Suspected Imperialist Plots and the Chaco War

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-22
Author(s):  
Luis Roniger ◽  
Leonardo Senkman
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
The Political ◽  
South American ◽  
Political Decision ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
National Pride ◽  
The World ◽  
Chaco Region ◽  
Political Decision Making

Conspiracy discourse interprets the world as the object of sinister machinations, rife with opaque plots and covert actors. With this frame, the war between Bolivia and Paraguay over the Northern Chaco region (1932–1935) emerges as a paradigmatic conflict that many in the Americas interpreted as resulting from the conspiracy manoeuvres of foreign oil interests to grab land supposedly rich in oil. At the heart of such interpretation, projected by those critical of the fratricidal war, were partial and extrapolated facts, which sidelined the weight of long-term disputes between these South American countries traumatised by previous international wars resulting in humiliating defeats and territorial losses, and thus prone to welcome warfare to bolster national pride and overcome the memory of past debacles. The article reconstructs the transnational diffusion of the conspiracy narrative that tilted political and intellectual imagination towards attributing the war to imperialist economic interests, downplaying the political agency of those involved. Analysis suggests that such transnational reception highlights a broader trend in the twentieth-century Latin American conspiracy discourse, stemming from the theorization of geopolitical marginality and the belief that political decision-making was shaped by the plots of hegemonic powers.

The Political Afterlife of Eleonora Duse

2004 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christine C. Mather
Keyword(s):  
Turning Point ◽  
The Political ◽  
Majority Party ◽  
National Pride

Eleonora Duse (1858–1924), international star, national treasure, and patriotic Italian died in Pittsburgh in April 1924. Those involved in the memorializing process contended for control of her body, attempting to interpolate her renown in competing narratives of national pride and the universality of art. Duse died at a turning point for Italy, the year Mussolini's Fascists became the majority party. For Mussolini and the Fascists, Duse's death became the occasion for a pageant of Italian pride through a series of carefully orchestrated ceremonies. At the same time, the theatre community tried to establish an artistic narrative more akin to the ideals Duse expressed in life. In the end, nationalist motifs dominated the memorial discourse. Duse's own assertions of the importance of spirit over corporeality became an ironic footnote to a story in which the actress's body stood in for the nation.

scholarly journals Structural teaching methods in Republic of Uzbekistan

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yusupova Barchina Gakhramanova
Keyword(s):  
Teaching Methods ◽  
Social Economic ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Approach ◽  
National Pride ◽  
Stage Of Development ◽  
The People ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Rich ◽  
Short Time

In the short time since Uzbekistan gained independence, the Uzbek people have made great strides in the political, social, economic and cultural spheres; a new approach to the history of the minority, the honor of organizing the rich cultural and spiritual heritage left by great ancestors, the restoration of national pride; Science, including pedagogy, is entering a new stage of development in the country; A lot of work is being done to revive the glory of the pedagogical geniuses of the eighties, to apply their ideas in the life of the people.

“Buy White—Stay Fair”

2018 ◽  
pp. 642-662
Author(s):  
Stefanie Affeldt
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
White Supremacy ◽  
Cane Sugar ◽  
Moral Duty ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Consumerism ◽  
National Pride ◽  
Early Twentieth Century ◽  
Manufactured Products ◽  
White Sugar

This historical chapter investigates two examples of racist political consumerism in early-twentieth-century Australia. It found expression in a locally particular form known as the White Sugar campaign, which declared consumption of cane sugar a moral duty for everyone in support of White Australia. Meanwhile, the Buy Australian-Made campaign called on Australian consumers to express their national pride by consuming locally manufactured products. Both campaigns drew on broader logics of commodity racism that, praising white supremacy and subscribing to ideologies of national progress, welded together everyday culture with the political programme of the time and contributed to the emergence of an imagined racist community of consumers.

The German People and the Postwar World: A Study Based on Election Statistics, 1871–1933

1943 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 601-625 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sydney L. W. Mellen
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
The People ◽  
Inferiority Complex ◽  
Distinct Character ◽  
Election Results ◽  
The Times ◽  
German People ◽  
Established Order

What are the German people really like? A weird assortment of catchwords and formulas have been put forward, most of them as unscientific as Hitler's own racial doctrines: aggressors throughout the ages, perpetrators of a black record of war and aggression, submissive and obedient regiments, cultural and political romanticists, rebels against the established order, victims of a national inferiority complex, sentimentalists, Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde, and so on. And yet unless the people of the democracies attain a realistic understanding of the Germans there will be a poor chance, after the war is finally won, of attaining a permanent solution of the German problem.In the articles and books written about the German people in recent months and years, little or no attention has been given to one set of historical facts which is capable of providing a trustworthy and statistically balanced background: the record of popular election results from 1871 to 1933. In the long series of Reichstag elections in this period, the German people as a whole expressed their composite preferences concerning the dominant political issues of the times; and the very multiplicity of the political parties, each with more or less distinct character and policies, provides us with fairly extensive breakdowns of public opinion.

National Pride and the Meaning of ‘Europe’: A Comparative Study of Britain and Spain

2000 ◽  
Vol 48 (1_suppl) ◽  
pp. 257-287 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pablo Jáuregui
Keyword(s):  
Political Rhetoric ◽  
Self Esteem ◽  
The Political ◽  
The European Union ◽  
National Pride ◽  
World Power ◽  
Norbert Elias ◽  
Collective Self ◽  
Collective Self Esteem ◽  
Considerable Enhancement

In this chapter, Pablo Jáuregui questions the idea that the development of the European Union means Europe is entering a ‘post-nationalist’ era. He suggests that nationalism and Europeanism are not necessarily opposed to each other or mutually incompatible. Taking the two cases of Spain and Britain, Jáuregui argues that their specific national self-images and feelings of collective pride have influenced the particular discourses on Europe in those two countries. Drawing in part on the ideas of Norbert Elias, this chapter examines the political rhetoric employed to legitimate or contest the idea of ‘going into Europe‘ in Spain and Britain, paying particular attention to the different ways this decision impacted upon perceptions of national status and sentiments of collective self-esteem. In Britain, the idea of going into Europe was associated with a decline in national status and the ‘loss of world power’. In contrast, for Spain entering Europe meant a considerable enhancement of national prestige following the collapse of a ‘backwards dictatorship’.

scholarly journals A Republican Natural History in Spain around 1900: Odón Buen (1863–1945) and His Audiences

2012 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 159-189 ◽  
Author(s):  
Agustí Nieto-Galan
Keyword(s):  
Elementary Schools ◽  
Natural History ◽  
Academic Science ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
National Pride ◽  
Daily Press ◽  
University Professor ◽  
The University

This paper discusses the political dimension of Odón de Buen's (1863–1945) expository practices—teaching and popularizing—as a university professor of natural history in Barcelona and later in Madrid at the turn of the nineteenth century. De Buen appropriated Ernst Haeckel's ideas on evolution in order to promote an ambitious political agenda, based on republican, freethinking, anticlerical values. To that end, he moved beyond the confines of academic science within the university and sought to bring modern concepts of natural history into elementary schools, athenaeums, political clubs and associations, scientific trips, popular books, periodicals, and the daily press. In such places, de Buen's natural history acted as an intellectual weapon with which to confront the conservative monarchic attitudes of the Spanish Restoration, but it also provided a moral backing to a society, which felt backward in terms of science and technology and was desperately seeking new sources of inspiration and national pride.

IS TRADING WITH CHINA DIFFERENT? SELF-INTEREST, NATIONAL PRIDE, AND TRADE PREFERENCES

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Wei-Ting Yen ◽  
Kristine Kay ◽  
Fang-Yu Chen
Keyword(s):  
Trade Agreements ◽  
The Political ◽  
Survey Experiment ◽  
National Pride ◽  
Political Costs ◽  
Political Identification ◽  
Self Interest ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
National Attachment ◽  
Trade Preferences

Abstract Despite increasing economic integrations with China, worries exist in China's neighboring countries about China's implicit political intention. Do people view trading with China differently? In this article, we incorporate the political context of trade agreements by showing that trade with partners who come with political costs is less likely to be supported. Using a nationally representative survey experiment from Taiwan, we find that trading with China garners less support than trading with Japan or Malaysia, and nationalism suppresses self-interest when the proposed trading partner is China. We show that national attachment, which is neither a proxy for political identification nor a proxy for national chauvinism, becomes a stronger predictor of trade preferences toward China. While the political tension between China and Taiwan is unique, many countries see at least one other country posing a negative externality. Our finding suggests strongly identified nationalists would oppose engaging with a hostile outsider regardless of their self-interest.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document