scholarly journals Ethiopia: From a Centralised Monarchy to a Federal Republic

Afrika Focus ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 20 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 13-48
Author(s):  
Christophe Van der Beken

Ethiopia: From a Centralised Monarchy to a Federal Republic Although the Ethiopian state traces its roots back to the empire of Axum in the first centuries AD, the modern Ethiopian state took shape in the second half of the 19th century. During that period the territory of the Ethiopian empire expanded considerably. Several ethnic groups were incorporated into the empire and the foundations for a strong, centralised state were laid Centralisation of authority in the hands of the emperor and a strategy of nation building that denied the ethnic diversity of Ethiopian society characterised the rule of Emperor Haile Selassie. At the same time, these elements contributed to its decline. Haile Selassie was ultimately deposed by a military committee in 1974. This announced the end of the Ethiopian monarchy and the transformation of the Ethiopian state, following the Marxist model. In spite of Marxist-Leninist attention to the 'nationalities issue', Ethiopia remained a centralised state, dominated by one ethnic identity. This gave rise to increasing resistance from various regional and ethnic liberation movements. The combined effort of these movements caused the fall of military rule in May 1991. The new regime, which was dominated by ethnically organised parties, initiated a radical transformation of the Ethiopian state structure that leads to the establishment of a federation in 1995.

Afrika Focus ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 20 (1-2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Christophe Van der Beken

Although the Ethiopian state traces its roots back to the empire of Axum in the first centuries AD, the modern Ethiopian state took shape in the second half of the 19th century. During that period the territory of the Ethiopian empire expanded considerably. Several ethnic groups were incorporated into the empire and the foundations for a strong, centralised state were laid. Centralisation of authority in the hands of the emperor and a strategy of nation building that denied the ethnic diversity of Ethiopian society characterised the rule of Emperor Haile Selassie. At the same time, these elements contributed to its decline. Haile Selassie was ultimately deposed by a military committee in 1974. This announced the end of the Ethiopian monarchy and the transformation of the Ethiopian state, following the Marxist model. In spite of Marxist-Leninist attention to the 'nationalities issue', Ethiopia remained a centralised state, dominated by one ethnic identity. This gave rise to increasing resistance from various regional and ethnic liberation movements. The combined effort of these movements caused the fall of military rule in May 1991. The new regime, which was dominated by ethnically organised parties, initiated a radical transformation of the Ethiopian state structure that leads to the establishment of a federation in 1995.Key Words: Ethiopia, Political Development, Constitutional Development, State Structure 


2018 ◽  
pp. 126-146
Author(s):  
Roza Ismagilova

The article pioneers the analyses of the results of ethnic federalism introduced in Ethiopia in 1991 – and its influence on Afar. Ethnicity was proclaimed the fundamental principle of the state structure. The idea of ethnicity has become the basis of official ideology. The ethnic groups and ethnic identity have acquired fundamentally importance on the political and social levels . The country has been divided into nine ethnically-based regions. The article exposes the complex ethno-political and economic situation in the Afar State, roots and causes of inter- and intra-ethnic relations and conflicts with Amhara, Oromo, Tigray and Somali-Issa, competition of ethnic elites for power and recourses. Alive is the idea of “The Greater Afar”which would unite all Afar of the Horn of Africa. The protests in Oromia and Amhara Regions in 2015–2017 influenced the Afar state as welll. The situation in Ethiopia nowadays is extremely tense. Ethiopia is plunging into serious political crisis. Some observers call it “the beginning of Ethiopian spring”, the others – “Color revolution”


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 13-40
Author(s):  
Svetlana G. Maximova ◽  
Daria A. Omelchenko ◽  
Oksana E. Noyanzina

The identity of ethnic Russians has been shaped in co-habitation with various ethnic groups and implementation of nation-building projects, where they always had special status and mission. Its peculiarities are important for understanding the actual inter-ethnic relations in Russia and perspectives of their development. A study based on the of repertory grid approach was conducted in two border regions with different ethnic composition – the Altai territory (mono-ethnic region, n = 543, 16 to 75 years) and the Republic of Altai (poly-ethnic region, n = 354, 16 to 75 years). It was found, that the most important characteristics for identification and evaluation of ethnic groups are related to security, social and economic position, mental similarity. In mono-ethnic region the image of Russians is constructed on the base of positive stereotypes and opposed to ethnic groups, perceived as different. In poly-ethnic region the self-perception is more differentiated, the ethnic identity acquires additional traits, bringing Russians and cohabitating groups closer. Our study has implications for theories of social identity and interethnic cooperation, as well as for the literature on national policy under cultural and ethnic diversity. It could be used for replication in the repertory grid analysis aimed at ethnic identity issues.


Adam alemi ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 90 (4) ◽  
pp. 106-113
Author(s):  
D.S. Kaliyev ◽  
◽  
A. Ventsel ◽  

Ethnicity, nationality, and ethnic identity remain to be unresolved issues that need to be addressed. It is thus important to compare different approaches to understand the nature of ethnic phenomena and to identify appropriate techniques to understand the essence of «nation-building» concept. First, the article discusses the concepts of nation, ethnicity, changes in ethnic identity where the concepts of ethnos and nation are further explained. Second, the nature, dynamics and factors of the processes of ethnic identity are analyzed. Third, the author seeks answers to questions of why some ethnic identities change, while others remain unchanged. Fourth, ethnicity in conflict, the role of «belonging to a certain ethnic group» is considered. Finally, past and present debates of the primordialist and constructivist approaches to nation-building are described. The main methodology of the article is a comparative analysis of the theoretical literature of foreign and domestic research through the lenses of primordialism and constructivism. The paper argues that there is no reason for all ethnic groups to reach the level of a nation, that constructive theory has advantages at the highest level of integration between nations and ethnic groups in the 21st century, and that ethnic identity is adaptable and changeable over time. The results of this work contribute to further studies and scientific works related to the nation-building in Kazakhstan.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcin Lubaś

A document of open thought: Józef Obrębski’s studies on the Polesie region and debates on ethnic groups and nationality relations in Polish ethnology and sociologyThis article attempts to reconstruct and examine the concept of the ethnic diversity and nationalization process found in the writings of the Polish anthropologist and sociologist Józef Obrębski (1905-1967). It will be argued that Obrębski view on ethnic diversity and the nationalization allowed him not only to conceive of a highly original idea of nation-building process but also maintain a critical distance from the two forms of reflection and practice – “investigative modalities” – influential in the field of ethnic and national studies in prewar as well as in postwar Poland: “ethnogeography” and the “sociology of nation”. In the same time this text aims at underscoring usefulness of Obrębski ideas for contemporary analysis. Close reading of Obrębski works provides us with fresh tools for the ethnographic processual examination of the nationalization policies. It draws special attention to the process of nationalization of local populations, highlighting various and contradictory consequences of nationalization process: integration and homogenisation on the one hand and exclusions of minorities and class hierarchization of people on the other. Dokument myśli otwartej. Studia poleskie Józefa Obrębskiego a rozważania o grupach etnicznych i stosunkach narodowościowych w polskiej etnologii i socjologiiCelem artykułu jest omówienie koncepcji grup etnicznych i procesów unaradawiania wyłaniających się z prac Józefa Obrębskiego. W szczególności chodzi o wykazanie, że swoimi badaniami na Polesiu Obrębski wniósł niezwykle oryginalny wkład w badania stosunków etnicznych i narodowościowych, podając jednocześnie w wątpliwość niektóre założenia tkwiące u podstaw dwu modalności dociekań obecnych w polskich badaniach nad etnicznością i kwestiami narodowymi: czyli etnogeografii oraz socjologii narodu. Jednocześnie tekst służy ukazaniu aktualności propozycji teoretycznych i metodologicznych Obrębskiego w badaniach stosunków etnicznych i narodowościowych. Lektura pism Obrębskiego dostarcza perspektywy umożliwiającej nie tylko krytykę nacjonalizmu metodologicznego ale również daje podstawy do procesualnej, etnograficznej - uwzględniającej mikrostrukturalny wymiar władzy - analizy zjawisk etnicznych i stosunków narodowościowych. Otwiera to możliwość badania różnych niekiedy odmiennych i sprzecznych ze sobą efektów procesów unaradawiania, zarówno integracji i wyrównywania szans jak też konfliktów i wykluczenia społecznego.


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 55
Author(s):  
Mohammad Agus Yusoff ◽  
Athambawa Sarjoon ◽  
Mat Ali Hassan

With the increase of ethnic conflicts and ethnic groups’ mobilizations for ethno-nationalism to secure and share state power, the concept of decentralization has also been getting attention in ethnically plural countries, and many of them have taken advantages of adopting decentralization policies for the empowerment of diverse groups in their state cum nation-building process. Similarly, the requests and supports for the adaptation of different forms of decentralization as to accommodate number of political and administrative demands and claims emerging from different ethnic groups within a country has also increased in the recent past. This has induced the researcher and international actors to develop different definitions, interpretations, and objectives for decentralization on its ethnic diversity accommodation perspective. This paper attempted to conceptualize the decentralization as a tool for ethnic diversity accommodation through reviewing the existing literary definitions, explanations and with researchers’ interpretive arguments. The finding reveals that decentralization initiatives, like other impacts, in number of ways, contributes to accommodate rights, interests, needs and claims of competing ethnic groups, especially of ethnic minorities and accommodate them within the larger political system and their local attachments. However, the success of this process highly depends on the mechanisms adopted for sharing powers and responsibilities; the nature, subject and decree of decentralized power; and the willingness of authorities to allow the groups to exercise those powers, with other factors.


1972 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 319-355 ◽  
Author(s):  
Walker Connor

Scholars associated with theories of “nation-building” have tended either to ignore the question of ethnic diversity or to treat the matter of ethnic identity superficially as merely one of a number of minor impediments to effective state-integration. To the degree that ethnic identity is given recognition, it is apt to be as a somewhat unimportant and ephemeral nuisance that will unquestionably give way to a common identity uniting all inhabitants of the state, regardless of ethnic heritage, as modern communication and transportation networks link the state's various parts more closely. Both tendencies are at sharp variance with the facts, and have contributed to the undue optimism that has characterized so much of the literature on “nation-building.”


Author(s):  
Meenaxi Barkataki-Ruscheweyh

The second chapter is a general introduction, both geographical as well as historical, to the ‘Tirap’ area where the Tangsa live in Assam. It also contains a description of the ethnic diversity of the area, where tribal groups such as the Tangsa, the Singpho, the Sema Naga and the Tai Phake live together with other communities such as the Nepali, the Ahoms and the Tea-tribes; Also discussed are the problems that the older tribal groups face as a result of the large number of new settlers coming to the area, the consequent gradual polarisation that is taking place there, and the state’s reaction to the prevailing situation, which finds expression in two events—first in the organization of the annual state-sponsored multi-ethnic Dihing-Patkai Festival in that area and secondly in the recent formation of a Development Council for eight ethnic groups (including the Tangsa). The coming of Baptist Christianity amongst the Tangsa and a brief summary of militant activities of the two insurgent organizations, the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) and the United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA), active in the region, are also discussed. The final section introduces the problems that arise due to the Assamese hegemonic attitudes towards the smaller ethnic groups living in Assam.


2019 ◽  
Vol 67 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-90
Author(s):  
Marion Rana

Abstract This article focuses on the nineteenth century as a pivotal time for the development of a Deaf identity in the United States and examines the way John Jacob Flournoy’s idea of a “Deaf-Mute Commonwealth” touches upon core themes of American culture studies and history. In employing pivotal democratic ideas such as egalitarianism, liberty, and self-representation as well as elements of manifest destiny such as exceptionalism and the frontier ideology in order to raise support for a Deaf State, the creation and perpetuation of a Deaf identity bears strong similarities to the processes of American nation-building. This article will show how the endeavor to found a Deaf state was indicative of the separationist and secessionist movements in the United States at that time, and remains relevant to Deaf group identity today.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document