Plato’s Philosophical Politics

2017 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 169-190
Author(s):  
V. Bradley Lewis

This paper suggests an alternative account of the political character of Plato’s political philosophy. After pointing toward some problems of the common developmental paradigm, which emphasizes discontinuities between Plato’s Socratic early writings, the mature utopianism of the Republic, and the late pessimism of the Laws, it proposes that Plato’s two large constructive works, the Republic and Laws, are related to two actual historical events in which Plato played a role, the trial of Socrates and Plato’s failed intervention in Sicilian politics. On this view, the Republic is to the Apology of Socrates as the Laws is to the Seventh Letter. The Republic is an imaginative reconstruction of the sort of defense of philosophy under more favorable conditions than obtained in the actual trial; the Laws is an imaginative reconstruction of the sort of political reform that Plato advocated under more favorable conditions than obtained in Syracuse under Dionysius II. The paper suggests this as the basis of a unified interpretation of Plato’s political philosophy. 


Author(s):  
Christopher Bobonich

The dialogues that are most obviously important for Plato’s political philosophy include: the Apology, the Crito, the Gorgias, the Laws, the Republic, and the Statesman. Further, there are many questions of political philosophy that Plato discusses in his dialogues. These topics include, among others: (1) the ultimate ends of the city’s laws and institutions; (2) who should rule, the forms of constitution, and their ranking; (3) what institutions and offices there should be; (4) the nature and extent of citizens’ obligation to obey the laws; (5) the proper criterion of citizenship; (6) the political and social status of women; (7) the purposes of punishment; (8) private property; and (9) slavery. This chapter attempts to provide an overall picture of Plato’s political philosophy, focusing on three moments: the “Socratic” dialogues, including the Apology and the Crito; the great middle-period work, the Republic, along with the Phaedo; and finally, two works from Plato’s last period, the Statesman and the Laws.


Author(s):  
J. Phillip Thompson

This article examines the political aspect of urban planning. It discusses Robert Beauregard's opinion that planning should not reject modernism entirely or unconditionally embrace postmodernism, and that planners should instead maintain a focus on the city and the built environment as a way of retaining relevancy and coherence, and should maintain modernism's commitment to political reform and to planning's meditative role within the state, labor, and capital. The article suggests that planners should also advocate utopian social justice visions for cities which are not so far-fetched as to be unrealizable so that planning can then attach itself to widespread values such as democracy, the common good, or equality.


2019 ◽  
Vol 58 (3) ◽  
pp. 454-468
Author(s):  
Jean François Bissonnette

This article examines the political character of debt relations, focusing in particular on the increasingly important phenomenon of personal indebtedness. Following Michel Foucault and Gilles Deleuze, it distinguishes between three forms of ‘rationality’ that explain the various power dynamics at play beneath the formal and seemingly voluntary loan contract. Debt first exemplifies the open-ended flows of power that circulate in the networked structures of the ‘societies of control’ described by Deleuze. Far from signaling the demise of the modern disciplines analyzed by Foucault, credit relations are, on the contrary, shown to depend on some of the normalizing procedures that constituted the common core of disciplinary institutions. Arguing for a synchronic approach to historical political rationalities, this article highlights the relationship between debt and sovereignty, showing the intrication of contemporary, financialized forms of capitalist exploitation and the state’s ancient pretension to exact from its citizens an infinite debt of existence. Debt thus combines the respective effects of control, discipline and sovereignty and constitutes as such a powerful technology for the governing of individuals and populations.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 35
Author(s):  
Ylber Aliu

<pre><em>The purpose of this study is to identify the similarities and differences between the political philosophy of<br />Plato and political philosophy of Aristotle. Such comparative study is very important for political<br />thought in general. The main significance of this paper is the precise meaning of the political philosophy<br />of Plato and political philosophy of Aristotle, as well as the meaning of differences and similarities.<br />Often, Plato’s political ideas appear as Aristotle political ideas, and Aristotle’s political ideas appear as<br />Plato’s political ideas. The main method of study in this paper is the comparison method. The ancient<br />political debate between Plato and Aristotle is important to modern political philosophy as it is the basis<br />of modern political theories. The data for paper are taken from the books of these two authors. The<br />political philosophy of Plato and Aristotle, although they have similarities in some points, but differ in<br />many other issues, such as: different categories of political analysis, different methodologies of policy<br />study, and different reasons for state creation, different opinions why democracy is a bad form of<br />government and why aristocracy is the right form.</em></pre>


Author(s):  
Ilya Erokhov

Based on the example of Plato&rsquo;s political philosophy, this article explores the phenomenon of supremacy of theoretical thought over practical thought, which is a universal trait of the classical Ancient Greek philosophical systems. The first part of the articled indicates the conceptual similarity of the two-level systems of knowledge of Plato and Aristotle in the role that theory plays in relation to practical thought. The second part of the article reconstructs the concept of Plato's philosophy of politics, outlines the key political strategies he dealt with, and provides analytical reconstruction of the democratic theory of politics, oligarchic and civil-political, where the latter is the reflection of Plato&rsquo;s original political views. The final part is dedicated to the method of Plato's political philosophy. Analysis of the context of using the term &ldquo;theory&rdquo; by Plato allows reconstructing the key methodological characteristic of Plato's model of theoretical philosophy. The article also provides the typology of practical knowledge, and substantiates the reasons according to which the political philosophy, as one of the types of practical knowledge, had to adhere to the theoretical prescriptions that fully determined the content of political reflection. The paper reveals the central practical task of philosophical theory, which by Plato's plan was intended to cease the political strife in Athens using true knowledge. The thesis is substantiated that using theory, Plato sought to complete the history of practical politics and subsequently shift towards building the &ldquo;ideal state&rdquo; based on the laws that are mandatory for all citizens of the polis. The article also discloses the principles of complex interrelation of the three Socratic methods: irony, dialectics and maieutics, which in Plato's political philosophy manifested as a single complex method. It is demonstrated that the method fulfills a bonding function between theory and practice, which allows transferring the theoretical truth to the sphere of practical problems of politics.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2019 (93) ◽  
pp. 94-101
Author(s):  
Imre Szeman

This article argues for the necessity of articulating and struggling for an energy common. An energy common is not intended to substitute for articulations of the common in general. Rather, the specific discussion of energy in relation to the common accomplishes two things. First, it underscores the problematic lack of attention to energy in existing discussions of the common, as in autonomist political philosophy. Second, adding energy to our thinking about the common produces new insights into the political and environmental commitments of existing articulations of the common. The possibilities of a common that is alert to the limits of natural resources and operates in relation to them are described in Ivan Illich’s 1973 essay “Energy and Equity.” This article takes Illich’s essay as a beginning point for creating an energy commons today.


2011 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 233-279 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael S. Moore

AbstractNeuroscience is commonly thought to challenge the basic way we think of ourselves in ordinary thought, morality, and the law. This paper: (1) describes the legal institutions challenged in this way by neuroscience, including in that description both the political philosophy such institutions enshrine and the common sense psychology they presuppose; (2) describes the three kinds of data produced by contemporary neuroscience that is thought to challenge these commonsense views of ourselves in morals and law; and (3) distinguishes four major and several minor kinds of challenges that that data can reasonably be interpreted to present. The major challenges are: first, the challenge of reductionism, that we are merely machines; second, the challenge of determinism, that we are caused to choose and act as we do by brain states that we do not control; third, the challenge of epiphenomenalism, that our choices do not cause our actions because our brains are the real cause of those actions; and fourth, the challenge of fallibilism, that we do not have direct access to those of our mental states that do cause our actions, nor are we infallible in such knowledge as we do have of them.


Author(s):  
Olaiya Olajumoke Olufunmilola

The journey towards social ordering and the need to make life much better than it used to be is one of the principal motivations for political philosophy. Hence, there are as much political theories to this effect as there are political philosophers and scientists. Whereas the aim of the present research is to consider what kind of political theory can assist in social ordering, it does this, taking cognizance of the pedagogical postulates of the political scholar, Plato. In other words, this research reconsiders the educational underpinning of Plato’s political philosophy for use in the quest toward the agenda of attaining nationhood in Nigeria. This comes as a consequence of the urgency to correct the ugly trend(s) that have greeted the educational system of the country as well as the failure of the social sciences to provide the much sought succor. This approach is sacrosanct because of the undue but accentuated emphases that have been given to the social sciences as the domain from which development and nationhood can spring. Incidentally, the journey toward nationhood for Nigeria, continues to be one of the most disturbing dilemmas that continues to haunt the country. Via the method of critical analysis, this essay argues that Plato’s political philosophy has some educational ideals that present implications for contemporaneous nature or character of contemporary Nigeria. By giving emphasis on his reflections on the principle of specialization, this study is able to argue that the spirited application of this ideal for contemporary Nigeria via pedagogy will go a long way to birth the much sought nationhood. Political philosophy needs pedagogy to be able to realize its ideals. Unless this initiative is underscored, this essay submits, the quest for nationhood will continue to lament in the labyrinth of folly and backwardness.


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