A ‘New Chapter’ in Australia–Timor Bilateral Relations? Assessing the Politics of the Timor Sea Maritime Boundary Treaty

2019 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 58-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rebecca Strating
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Foreign Minister ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Gas Field ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Maritime Boundary ◽  
Timor Leste ◽  
History Of ◽  
Timor Sea ◽  
Policy Shift

Abstract The signing of the 2018 Maritime Boundary treaty was described by Australia’s then Foreign Minister Julie Bishop as opening ‘a new chapter’ in diplomatic relations with Timor-Leste. This contribution examines the importance of the treaty to bilateral relations. It provides a brief history of the Timor Sea disputes, explains Timor-Leste’s policy aims, and analyses Australia's foreign policy shift on the boundary delimitation issue. While there are positive signs in resolving the boundary dispute, uncertainty over the development of the Greater Sunrise gas field may impact bilateral relations in the future.

scholarly journals Diplomatic Relations between Indonesia-Australia Since Whitlam, Fraser, Until Hawke Era in An Attempt To Establish Political Stability in Southeast Asia

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 237
Author(s):  
Anzar Abdullah
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Social Culture ◽  
Prime Ministers ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
History Of ◽  
Growing Environment

Talking about foreign policy relations of a country, it cannot be explained without adapting to the changes that occur in the growing environment or situation of both countries. Adjustments to the environment and the situation, especially the foreign policy are done in order to maintain the physical, economic, politic and social culture of the country in the midst of the real conditions of the situation occurred, like the history of bilateral relations between Indonesia and Australia). This is a study of the history of Australian foreign policy towards Indonesia since Whitlam government in 1972 until Hawke. The goal of the study is to explain how the foreign policy of the Australian Prime Ministers during their reigns. Although in reality in the course of its history, Australian and Indonesian diplomatic relations were full of intrigues, turmoil and conflicts, but it did not severe the relation of the two nations. Eventually, the conclusion of this study explicitly states that Australia and Indonesia still need each other in an attempt to establish political stability, economic and security in Southeast Asia and the Pacific peacefully.

scholarly journals THE EVOLUTION OF DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS BETWEEN MALAYSIA AND NORTH KOREA

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 88-120
Author(s):  
Mohd Ridwan Talib
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
North Korea ◽  
Bilateral Trade ◽  
Public Perceptions ◽  
Weapons Of Mass Destruction ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Priority List ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Relationship

This paper aims to analyse the aftermath of Kim Jong Nam’s assassination on the diplomatic relations between Malaysia and North Korea along with the historical evolution of diplomatic relations between both countries since Malaysia’s independence. Little is known about the nature of diplomatic relations between Malaysia and North Korea, especially when public perceptions dictate that both countries barely share any similarities. In appreciating the implications of the murder case from the perspective of international law, an analysis is carried out on the history of diplomatic relations between Putrajaya and Pyongyang. A further study is conducted on the factors which attract Malaysia and North Korea to forge and strengthen their diplomatic relations. Malaysia’s inclusive foreign policy is highlighted via her participation in the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) in 1970 which promotes peaceful engagement with all countries regardless of their political allegiance, including the Communist-led regime in North Korea. The task of preserving regional safety and bolstering economic prosperity are top on Putrajaya’s priority list. With the volume of bilateral trade between Malaysia and North Korea is steadily increasing and Pyongyang’s continuous provocations of her Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD), peaceful engagements with the aim of repairing the damaged diplomatic relations is the best option for both countries. This study concludes that although the relationship between the two nations is severed, it is crucial for Malaysia to consider reviving and enhancing bilateral relations with North Korea, hence benefiting Putrajaya in outlining Malaysia’s future foreign policy.

East Timor will face foreign policy frustrations

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Natural Gas ◽  
East Timor ◽  
Gas Field ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Hydrocarbon Processing ◽  
Technical Complications ◽  
Maritime Boundary ◽  
Timor Sea

Subject East Timor’s foreign policy. Significance The election of President Francisco ‘Lu’Olo’ Guterres in March and parliamentary elections in July are expected to result in continued support for East Timor’s primary foreign policy aims of ASEAN accession and the resolution of its maritime boundary dispute with Australia. East Timor’s termination of the Treaty of Certain Maritime Arrangements in the Timor Sea (CMATS) with Australia in April threatens a key source of revenue from the Greater Sunrise natural gas field. If Dili ultimately loses access to these revenues, it could leave the hydrocarbon-dependent country insolvent within a decade. Impacts Should a Labor government be elected in Australia in 2018-19, East Timor would benefit from a more conciliatory counterparty. Dili’s demand for onshore hydrocarbon processing is unlikely to see corporate interest due to low prices and technical complications. Qatar’s plan to ramp up liquified natural gas exports and new Australian production will squeeze East Timor.

The Foreign Policy Mechanism of the Union Of South Africa and the Development of its Diplomatic Relations (1910–1948)

2020 ◽  
pp. 74-86
Author(s):  
Alexandra Arkhangelskaya
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
British Empire ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
The Political ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Economic Evolution ◽  
Local Elite ◽  
History Of

The history of the formation of South Africa as a single state is closely intertwined with events of international scale, which have accordingly influenced the definition and development of the main characteristics of the foreign policy of the emerging state. The Anglo-Boer wars and a number of other political and economic events led to the creation of the Union of South Africa under the protectorate of the British Empire in 1910. The political and economic evolution of the Union of South Africa has some specific features arising from specific historical conditions. The colonization of South Africa took place primarily due to the relocation of Dutch and English people who were mainly engaged in business activities (trade, mining, agriculture, etc.). Connected by many economic and financial threads with the elite of the countries from which the settlers left, the local elite began to develop production in the region at an accelerated pace. South Africa’s favorable climate and natural resources have made it a hub for foreign and local capital throughout the African continent. The geostrategic position is of particular importance for foreign policy in South Africa, which in many ways predetermined a great interest and was one of the fundamental factors of international involvement in the development of the region. The role of Jan Smuts, who served as Prime Minister of the Union of South Africa from 1919 to 1924 and from 1939 to 1948, was particularly prominent in the implementation of the foreign and domestic policy of the Union of South Africa in the focus period of this study. The main purpose of this article is to study the process of forming the mechanisms of the foreign policy of the Union of South Africa and the development of its diplomatic network in the period from 1910 to 1948.

Dutch ties with Turkey and Russia may not recover soon

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The Netherlands ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
Energy Resource ◽  
Foreign Minister ◽  
Foreseeable Future ◽  
Eu Accession ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Bilateral Relations

Significance This comes after the formal withdrawal of the Dutch ambassador to Turkey in early February and the resignation of Foreign Minister Halbe Zijlstra on February 13 marked new lows in the Netherlands’ relations with Ankara and Moscow, respectively. Impacts Poor bilateral relations could hit Dutch tourism to Turkey. Tension with Russia combined with shrinking domestic reserves may encourage the Dutch to move away from gas as the main energy resource. The Netherlands is likely to reject any further talks about Turkey’s EU accession for the foreseeable future. The Netherland’s foreign policy focus on human rights, particularly of minority groups, could further sour relations with Turkey and Russia.

Reconciliation in the Timor Sea

2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-112
Author(s):  
Warwick Gullett
Keyword(s):  
Good Faith ◽  
Maritime Boundary ◽  
Timor Leste ◽  
Timor Sea ◽  
Maritime Boundary Delimitation ◽  
Outstanding Issue

Australia and Timor Leste’s relationship has been bedevilled by disagreement about rights to lucrative hydrocarbon resources lying beneath the seabed of the Timor Sea and a complicated and at times a painful history with Indonesia. This article reviews these circumstances, the progress that has been made to settle resource rights in overlapping claimed areas of the Timor Sea, and the international proceedings that have been taken by Timor Leste against Australia. It is concluded that the key outstanding issue – where, exactly, the seabed boundary between Australia and Timor Leste should be located – will not be resolved in these proceedings but that progress towards amicable development of offshore resources will rest on good faith negotiations, cooperation and sound understanding of laws and principles for maritime boundary delimitation.

scholarly journals The Difficult Choices of a Post-Colonial State: Timor-Leste and International Educational Aid

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Nene Correia De Almeida
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Education Policy ◽  
Language Education ◽  
Colonial State ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Political Relationships ◽  
Timor Leste ◽  
Full Independence ◽  
Timor Sea ◽  
Educational Aid

<p>Timor-Leste is still a newly independent country, obtaining full independence in 2002. The new Constitution gives all citizens a right to education, showing how important education is for Timor-Leste. Educational aid has accounted for around 10% of the aid budget (and has been as high as 28%) over the three years from 2011 to 2014. This thesis explores the emerging relationship between Timor-Leste and its two largest aid donors: Australia and Portugal, through the lens of educational aid. Although there are currently some studies on Timor-Leste’s education policy, there is no current study which explores the relationship between donor foreign policy and educational aid.  The thesis builds on secondary literature and interviews with important figures in the Timorese government. It argues that donors’ political priorities have had an important impact on shaping education policy in Timor-Leste and that the provision of educational aid can help to highlight Timor-Leste’s position as a highly dependent nation in the world system. Portuguese aid has been strongly driven by Portugal’s attempts to maintain political relationships with its former colonies and promote Portuguese language worldwide. Portuguese funding for Portuguese language education has had an impact on language policy, cementing the position of Portuguese as an official language and promoting a Portuguese-influenced position in Timor-Leste’s foreign policy. Australian aid, meanwhile, has emphasised Tetum and English as appropriate languages and is connected with Australian attempts to minimise Timorese discontent over oil politics in the Timor Gap (or Timor Sea). Coordination between these two different donors with different interests has been weak. Timor-Leste finds itself in a difficult position of dependency whereby it needs foreign aid but cannot trust that aid is being given in a disinterested and functional way.</p>

Mongolian-Russian diplomatic relations: history and prospects

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amarjargal Dashnyam ◽  
Bulgantsetseg Gunchinsharav
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Second Stage ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Third Stage ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Political Associations ◽  
Heads Of State ◽  
Further Development

The article deals with the history and prospects of the development of diplomatic relations between Mongolia and Russia. It is noted that diplomatic relations between the two states have a long history. The author identifies three main stages in the development of diplomatic relations between the two countries. The first stage was the Soviet one (until 1991). It was during this period that the foundations of cooperation between the two states were laid. At the same time, diplomatic relations were supported by broad cooperation in the economic and military-political spheres. Mongolia and Russia have been acting as allies for a long time. At the same time, the USSR acted as a guarantor of Mongolia's independence. The second stage (1991–2000) is characterized by the cooling of bilateral relations, which was due to the processes that took place in the USSR. The third stage (2000 and up to the present) is characterized by the intensification of diplomatic contacts. This is reflected in the frequency of official visits of the heads of state of Mongolia and Russia, as well as heads of diplomatic departments of Mongolia and Russia. The period of the 2000s. it is characterized by the presence of permanent diplomatic contacts between Mongolia and Russia. Their results are expressed in a number of declarations and agreements on cooperation between countries in various fields. Cross-border cooperation is also actively developing. The author notes that the prospects for further development of diplomatic relations between Mongolia and Russia are dictated by the goals of the foreign policy of both countries. The author notes that Mongolia is characterized by the desire to build equally equal relations with all states. Russia, on the contrary, seeks to build cooperation by attracting new member states to interstate associations of various directions. In particular, Russian diplomacy is making efforts to attract Mongolia to participate in the processes taking place within the framework of Eurasian integration. At the same time, the further development of cooperation is considered by the Russian side from the point of view of deepening the processes of Eurasian integration. At the same time, the Mongolian side, in accordance with the provisions of its foreign policy concept, does not seek to join any political associations. The author concludes that considering the prospects for further development of diplomatic relations between Mongolia and Russia, it is necessary to take into account the differences in approaches to the implementation of foreign policy between the two countries.

scholarly journals Historical consciousness, personal life experiences and the orientation of Estonian foreign policy toward the West, 1988–1991 [Kokkuvõte: Ajalooteadvus, isiklikud elukogemused ja Eesti välispoliitika pöördumine Läände, 1988–1991]

2016 ◽  
pp. 477
Author(s):  
Kaarel Piirimäe ◽  
Pertti Grönholm
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Life Stories ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Life Experiences ◽  
Foreign Minister ◽  
Historical Consciousness ◽  
Personal Life ◽  
International Affairs ◽  
The West ◽  
History Of

The years 1988 to 1991 were a critical juncture in the history of Estonia. Crucial steps were taken during this time to assure that Estonian foreign policy would not be directed toward the East but primarily toward the integration with the West. In times of uncertainty and institutional flux, strong individuals with ideational power matter the most. This article examines the influence of Foreign Minister Lennart Meri’s and Prime Minister Edgar Savisaar’s experiences and historical consciousness on their visions of Estonia’s future position in international affairs. Life stories help understand differences in their horizons of expectation, and their choices in conducting Estonian diplomacy.

scholarly journals Azerbaijan-Iran relations: transformation of Azerbaijan's foreign policy during presidency of I. G. Aliyev

2020 ◽  
pp. 16-28
Author(s):  
Nikolai Nikolaevich Alekseev ◽  
Imrin Mekhmanovich Babirov
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Comprehensive Analysis ◽  
High Potential ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
History Of ◽  
Key Events

This article explores the questions related to the current relations between Azerbaijan and Iran, namely vectors of development and milestones over the period from 2000 to 2020. Analysis is conducted on the contradictory positions and most favorable spheres for cooperation. An attempt is made to answer the question, why the promising relations between Baku and Teheran transitioned into a moderately tense state, and what factors influenced this process. Special attention is given to the process of harmonization of relations between the countries at the time of coming to power of the President of Azerbaijan I. G. Aliyev. Based on the acquired results, the authors came to the conclusion that the relations between Azerbaijan and Iran have high potential, first and foremost due to cultural and historical commonality of the nations. At the same time, the conducted research demonstrates profound systemic contradictions that impede achieving potential in development of bilateral relations between Azerbaijan and Iran. Such contradictions may constitute a threat to the regional international relations and often involve other countries (USA, Israel, Turkey, Russia, and Armenia). The novelty this work consists in comprehensive analysis of key events in the history of modern Azerbaijan-Iran bilateral relations, as well as transformation of foreign policy vectors of the countries, namely in the conditions of coming to power of the President of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev.

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