Conditional Universality and World History in Modern Philosophy in East Asia

Author(s):  
Susan Brownell

Due to the Orientalist bias in sport history in the West, starting in the late nineteenth century, “Far Eastern civilization” was defined in terms of its lack relative to “Western civilization,” which (it was said) valued sports and created the Olympic Games. This chapter begins by outlining some of the similarities between classical Greece and China and proceeds to trace the course of China’s encounter with the West through sports up to the present. Western sports were introduced into East Asia by the YMCA, but China turned them to its own goals during Ping Pong Diplomacy. The pursuit of Olympic medals made the position of wushu (traditional martial arts) ambiguous. Inside China, hosting the 2008 Olympic Games in Beijing was called the fulfillment of a “one hundred-year dream,” symbolizing that China had finally been written into world history and was no longer defined by its sporting deficiency relative to the West.


1966 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 86-96
Author(s):  
G. M. Kelly

Until comparatively recent times South-East Asia hardly entered into Western historical teaching and was of marginal concern for orthodox European research. While the world's societies stood in virtual isolation from each other, records were generally unknown and unstudied beyond their domestic orbit. Where Western historians ranged outside the Graeco-Roman and Middle Eastern spheres in any depth, their interest was individual and antiquarian rather than the reflection of their civilisation's historical bias. Because the techniques and preoccupations of modern scholarship had not emerged, moreover, such enquiries were mainly devoid of near-contemporary inference or consideration of those problems to which the social sciences later directed attention. World history, whether of narrow or wide conspectus, still remained to be elicited. In the passage of human affairs, the great civilisations had travelled in separate compartments.


2014 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 357-378 ◽  
Author(s):  
Craig Benjamin

AbstractThis article offers a comparative analysis of the historiographical implications of state conflict and expansion in two key regions of ancient Afro-Eurasia, the Mediterranean Basin and East Asia. The Mediterranean-wide conflict known as the Punic Wars, and the protracted struggle between Han China and her militarized steppe nomadic neighbours in a theatre that spanned much of eastern Inner Eurasia, helped shape the direction of subsequent world history. These conflicts also shaped the methodology and approach of three historians in these two regions: Polybius, Diodorus, and Sima Qian. All three wove detailed descriptions of these processes into complex narratives that synthesized events into an organic whole. The result was a universal conception of history that added up to something much more than a mere recounting of events.


Author(s):  
Andrew Chittick

Chapter 12, “Conclusion: Reorienting Chinese and World History,” suggests ways that this new understanding of the Jiankang Empire can reorient our perspective on Chinese, East Asian, Southeast Asian, and comparative medieval history. The chapter shows how a more rigorous framework for identifying cultural and ethnic groups can help clarify the process of acculturation and ethnic identification in East Asia in the first millennium CE. It demonstrates how a better understanding of the Jiankang Empire’s precedent sheds new light on the rise of the tenth-century southern kingdoms and the Tang-Song transition, many aspects of which can be understood as the “southernization” of Central Plains–based imperial regimes. And it suggests important new opportunities for comparative research between the regimes of the Sino–Southeast Asian zone and the Indo-Southeast Asian zone, as well as between medieval East Asia and medieval Europe.


Author(s):  
Aziz al-Azmeh

The Arabs entered modernity with the entry of the modern world – soldiers, merchants, diplomats, and capitalism – into Arab lands. Modern history removed Arabs from the cultural and civilisational continuity that they came to think had persisted for centuries, and impelled them to changes and breakthroughs in all domains of society, culture, and political structures. These changes traversed these domains and sectors, provoking new developments unevenly, articulated by a structural connection between the Arabs and world history with its centre first in Europe, and then the Atlantic, and finally in the Atlantic and East Asia, with a dispersed geographical centre uniting the world into the single temporal unit of today’s advanced capitalism....


2010 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-208 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tonio Andrade

Over the past few years, this journal has hosted a debate central to world history and historical sociology: Joseph M. Bryant’s bold assault on the revisionist model of global history and the revisionists’ equally trenchant defense. A key point of disagreement concerns Europeans' relative military advantages vis-a-vis Asians. Both sides cite literature from historians’ Military Revolution Model, but each takes different lessons from that literature. The revisionists see a slight military imbalance in favor of Europe but deny that it reflects a general European technological lead. Bryant believes that the European technological lead is significant and reflects a more general modernizing trend. This article tries to resolve the disagreement by appealing to data from East Asia. First, it argues that recent work in Asian history points to what we can call a Chinese Military Revolution, which compels us to place the European Military Revolution in a larger, Eurasian context: not just western European but also East Asian societies were undergoing rapid military change and modernization during the gunpowder age. Second, it adduces evidence from a new study of the Sino-Dutch War of 1661-1668 (a war that both Bryant and the revisionists cite, each, again, taking divergent lessons) to come to a more precise evaluation of the military balance between China and western Europe in the early modern period: western cannons and muskets didn’t provide a discernible advantage, but western war ships and renaissance forts did. The article concludes that the revisionists are correct in their belief that Asian societies were undergoing rapid changes in military technology and practices along the lines of those taking place in western Europe and that the standard model Bryant defends is incorrect because it presumes that Asian societies are more stagnant than is warranted by the evidence. At the same time, the article argues that counter-revisionists like Bryant are correct in their belief that military modernization was proceeding more quickly in Europe than that in Asia, which may indicate that the counter-revisionists are correct on a basic point: there was an early divergence between the west and the rest of Eurasia. At first this divergence was slight – so slight, indeed, that it probably left little clear evidence in the noisy and poor early modern data we have available. But the divergence increased over time. Thus, we can speak of a small but accelerating divergence.


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