The Psychological Dimensions and the Social Consequences of Incarceration

2013 ◽  
Vol 651 (1) ◽  
pp. 122-138 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jason Schnittker
Keyword(s):  
Psychological Factors ◽  
Social Consequences ◽  
Social Connections ◽  
Criminal Record ◽  
Representative Survey ◽  
The Social ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Psychological Dimensions ◽  
Do So ◽  
Former Inmates

This article explores the psychological costs of incarceration, with a particular focus on how psychological factors are related to the social and economic difficulties of reentry. Using descriptive information from a nationally representative survey, this study reveals considerable anxiety, fear, and uncertainty among former inmates. The evidence also reveals that psychiatric disorders are, in some cases, even more disabling among former inmates than among others. The article situates this evidence within the larger debate on the social consequences of incarceration and discusses its implications. Psychological factors are certainly not the only barriers former inmates will face, but they are neglected in the literature and play an important role in how former inmates respond to other difficulties. They are also at the center of a persistent dilemma: former inmates must establish social connections upon release, but they must do so while harboring the stigma of a criminal record. Furthermore, former inmates who have a psychiatric disorder may be particularly disadvantaged because they experience two stigmas simultaneously.

Cognition On Tap

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 89-104
Author(s):  
James Steinhoff
Keyword(s):  
Machine Learning ◽  
Social Context ◽  
Social Factors ◽  
Social Consequences ◽  
Popular Media ◽  
The Social ◽  
Technical Details ◽  
Algorithmic Bias ◽  
Development And Evolution ◽  
Do So

Abstract The thriving contemporary form of artificial intelligence (AI) called machine learning is often represented sensationally in popular media as a semi-mystical technology. Machine learning systems are frequently ascribed anthropomorphic capacities for learning, emoting and reasoning which, it is suggested, might lead to the alleviation of humanity’s woes. One critical reaction to such sensational proclamations has been to focus on the mundane reality of contemporary machine learning as mere inductive prediction based on statistical generalizations, albeit with surprisingly powerful abilities (Pasquinelli 2017). While the deflationist reaction is a necessary reply to sensationalist agitation, adequate comprehension of modern AI cannot be achieved while neglecting its material and social context. One does not have to subscribe wholeheartedly to the social construction of technology thesis1 to allow that the development and evolution of technologies are influenced by social factors. For AI, the most important aspect of the current social context is arguably capital, which increasingly dominates AI research and production. One former computer science professor describes a “giant sucking sound of [AI] academics going into industry” (Metz 2017). This paper introduces capital’s theory of AI as utility and initiates a discussion on its social consequences. First, I discuss utilities and their infrastructures and introduce a few critical thoughts on the topic. Second, I situate modern AI by way of a brief history. Third, I detail capital’s view of AI as a utility and the technical details underpinning it. Fourth, I sketch how AI as a utility frames a social problematic beyond the important issues of algorithmic bias and the automation of work. I do so by extrapolating from one consequence of AI as a utility which multiple capitalist firms predict: the curation of human subjectivities.

Psychosocial wellbeing and reasons for retirement in Sweden

2009 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 413-430 ◽  
Author(s):  
MIKAEL NORDENMARK ◽  
MIKAEL STATTIN
Keyword(s):  
Older People ◽  
The Elderly ◽  
Health Problems ◽  
Panel Survey ◽  
Representative Survey ◽  
Psychosocial Wellbeing ◽  
Negative Effect ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Market Factors ◽  
Do So

ABSTRACTGiven the increased heterogeneity of the transition from work to retirement, this study aimed to analyse the associations between different reasons for retirement and psychosocial wellbeing as a pensioner. The study used data from the Swedish Panel Survey of Ageing and the Elderly (PSAE), a nationally representative survey of the living conditions of older people in Sweden. The results show that almost one-half of all pensioners cited health problems as a contributory reason for ceasing work. Furthermore, those who retired for ‘push’ reasons, such as health problems or labour market factors, experienced lower psychosocial wellbeing than those who retired for other reasons. Moreover, the results show that those who were able to influence the time of their retirement enjoyed better psychosocial wellbeing than those who had little or no opportunity to do so. This was true when controlling for other factors relevant to the wellbeing of pensioners. The results lend support to the argument that, if a man's retirement is instigated because his skills are no longer required, there will be a decidedly negative effect on his wellbeing – and that this effect is stronger than the equivalent impact on a woman's wellbeing. In relation to previous findings in this field, the results make it clear that retirement is far from a uniform process or state.

scholarly journals Who Identifies as Anti-Racist? Racial Identity, Color-Blindness, and Generic Liberalism

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 237802312110529
Author(s):  
Samuel L. Perry ◽  
Kenneth E. Frantz ◽  
Joshua B. Grubbs
Keyword(s):  
Racial Identity ◽  
Survey Data ◽  
National Interest ◽  
Color Blindness ◽  
Racial Ideology ◽  
Representative Survey ◽  
The Social ◽  
Racial Injustice ◽  
Political Orientations ◽  
Nationally Representative

Although decades old, the terms “anti-racism/antiracism” and “anti-racist/antiracist” have grown in usage by scholars, authors, and activists to convey the necessity of active opposition to racial injustice. But as the terms have become more mainstream, researchers have yet to examine the social and ideological correlates of actually describing oneself as “anti-racist.” Drawing on nationally representative survey data fielded at the height of national interest in “antiracist/anti-racist” language, the authors find that Blacks and Hispanics are significantly less likely than whites to describe themselves as “anti-racist,” and only the “very liberal” are more likely than other political orientations to identify with the label. Considering ideological correlates, progressive racial ideology is the strongest predictor of identifying as “anti-racist.” However, the second strongest correlate is describing oneself as “color-blind.” Analyses of quadratic terms suggests that this correlation is curvilinear for nonwhites but more linear for whites. Although originally conveying more radical and subversive ideals, those currently most likely to self-describe as “anti-racist” are white progressives with what we call “generically liberal” racial views.

The Limits of Online Consensus Effects: A Social Affirmation Theory of How Aggregate Online Rating Scores Influence Trust in Factual Corrections

2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (5) ◽  
pp. 771-792 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachel L. Neo
Keyword(s):  
Survey Experiment ◽  
Representative Survey ◽  
Online Experiment ◽  
The Social ◽  
Online Rating ◽  
News Selection ◽  
Boomerang Effects ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Bandwagon Effects ◽  
Clear Support

Research on bandwagon effects suggests that people will yield to aggregate online rating scores even when forming evaluations of contentious content. However, such findings derive mainly from studying partisan news selection behaviors, and therefore, are incomplete. How do people use ratings to evaluate whether factual corrections on contentious issues are trustworthy? Through what I term the social affirmation heuristic, I hypothesize, people will first assess rating scores for compatibility with their own beliefs; and then they will invest trust only in ratings of factual messages that affirm their beliefs, while distrusting ratings that disaffirm them. I further predict that distrusted ratings will elicit boomerang effects, causing evaluations of message trustworthiness to conflict with rating scores. I use an online experiment ( n = 157) and a nationally representative survey experiment ( N = 500) to test these ideas. All hypotheses received clear support. Implications of the findings are discussed.

Race, Racial Negativity, and Competing Conceptions of American National Identity

2020 ◽  
pp. 1532673X2097399
Author(s):  
John Graeber ◽  
Mark Setzler
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Survey Data ◽  
Representative Survey ◽  
Symbolic Racism ◽  
American National Identity ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Robust Evidence ◽  
Do So

This study explores differences among African Americans, Latinos, and whites regarding which attributes are most important to being truly American and how these competing conceptions relate to an individual’s level of racial animus toward African Americans. Using nationally representative survey data, we first find that Americans of different races vary across six different components of national identity and do so in ways consistent with theorizing on symbolic racism and inter-group conflict. Specifically, Americans place more importance on those components shared with indivduals of the same race. We then analyze how these differing beliefs about national identity influence racial animus. Here, we find robust evidence that individuals who prioritize the ascriptive, exclusive elements of national identity are more racist, while individuals who embrace its most inclusive element are less so. Finally, we reveal that the relationship between conceptions of national identity and racism is moderated substantially by race, and this robust relationship for whites and Latinos is virtually identical.

Multi-Level Marketing as “Gig” Work: Worker Motivations, Characteristics, and Outcomes in the U.S.

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-39
Author(s):  
Marguerite DeLiema ◽  
Stacie Bosley ◽  
Doug Shadel
Keyword(s):  
Asymmetric Information ◽  
Potential Outcomes ◽  
Representative Survey ◽  
Financial Outcomes ◽  
Gig Economy ◽  
The Social ◽  
Decision Biases ◽  
Multi Level ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
The U.S

Abstract Multi-level marketing (mlm) firms offer recruits the opportunity to earn compensation through starting their own direct selling business and often characterize mlm work as part of the “gig” economy. mlm promotes flexibility, autonomy, and income potential but data suggest that most participants fail to make money. Decisions are made under uncertainty as there is asymmetric information on potential outcomes and their respective likelihood. We use the first nationally representative survey (N = 1016) to understand the motivations for participating in mlm “gigs,” the social and financial outcomes of participation, and the correlates of those outcomes. While approximately three-fourths of mlm workers report that they joined for financial returns, a similar share reported that they did not earn any profit. Results identify a mismatch between expectations and outcomes and underscore decision biases in the context of uncertain financial rewards alongside broader gig economy regulatory concerns.

Colorblindness as Identity: Key Determinants, Relations to Ideology, and Implications for Attitudes about Race and Policy

2017 ◽  
Vol 60 (5) ◽  
pp. 866-888 ◽  
Author(s):  
Douglas Hartmann ◽  
Paul R. Croll ◽  
Ryan Larson ◽  
Joseph Gerteis ◽  
Alex Manning
Keyword(s):  
Racial Discrimination ◽  
Social Distance ◽  
White Americans ◽  
Social Phenomenon ◽  
Representative Survey ◽  
Racial Ideologies ◽  
The Social ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Racial Lines ◽  
Empirical Implications

Colorblindness is often conceptualized as a set of deeply held but unrecognized ideological tenets. However, we believe that colorblindness has also now become an explicit cultural discourse involving self-conscious claims and specific convictions. To illustrate this point—which has both conceptual and empirical implications—we introduce the notion of colorblindness as identity. We define this concept as subjectively meaningful, self-asserted identification with colorblindness. We use data from a nationally representative survey to explore the social determinants of colorblind identification and assess its relationship to both colorblind ideologies and standard attitudinal measures. We find that a relatively large percentage of Americans across racial lines identify as colorblind. Furthermore, such identification is connected to racial ideologies but not all tenets of colorblind racism. For white Americans, colorblind identification is associated with decreased perceptions of social distance, but not support for policies designed to ameliorate the effects of racial discrimination. We conclude that colorblind identification is a unique social phenomenon, connected to views on race but not always in the ways that existing research would predict. We also suggest directions for further exploration of the depth of colorblindness as an identity form and implications for theorizing colorblind discourse more generally.

How Repression Affects Public Perceptions of Police: Evidence from a Natural Experiment in Uganda

2021 ◽  
pp. 002200272110130
Author(s):  
Travis Curtice
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Research Design ◽  
Natural Experiment ◽  
Public Perceptions ◽  
Representative Survey ◽  
State Repression ◽  
The Social ◽  
Perceptions Of Police ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Ruling Party

What are the effects of state repression on public perceptions of police? And to what extent are these effects uniform or conditional on individuals’ loyalty to political authorities? I argue that repression by the police negatively affects how people evaluate the police, especially among those who do not support the ruling party. People who oppose the regime are more likely to fear the police following a repressive event relative to regime supporters. To test this argument, I leverage a unique research design opportunity that emerges from the social media tax protest led by Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu (also known as Bobi Wine) and subsequent selective repression by the Uganda Police Force while a nationally representative survey on police and security was being administered in Uganda. I demonstrate selective repression of protesters decreased support for the police. These effects are largely driven by political loyalty; repression has a stronger effect on how members of the opposition evaluate the police relative to incumbent supporters.

D?r al-?arb as the Motherland? The Muslim Tatars of (the Grand Duchy of) Lithuania and Social Contract

2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 157-177
Author(s):  
Egdūnas Račius
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Social Contract ◽  
Social Consequences ◽  
Nation State ◽  
The Social ◽  
State And Society ◽  
Muslim Minority ◽  
Grand Duchy Of Lithuania ◽  
In The Beginning ◽  
Grand Duchy

Muslim presence in Lithuania, though already addressed from many angles, has not hitherto been approached from either the perspective of the social contract theories or of the compliance with Muslim jurisprudence. The author argues that through choice of non-Muslim Grand Duchy of Lithuania as their adopted Motherland, Muslim Tatars effectively entered into a unique (yet, from the point of Hanafi fiqh, arguably Islamically valid) social contract with the non-Muslim state and society. The article follows the development of this social contract since its inception in the fourteenth century all the way into the nation-state of Lithuania that emerged in the beginning of the twentieth century and continues until the present. The epitome of the social contract under investigation is the official granting in 1995 to Muslim Tatars of a status of one of the nine traditional faiths in Lithuania with all the ensuing political, legal and social consequences for both the Muslim minority and the state.

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