The President of Talk Radio: The Crystallization of a Social Movement

2017 ◽  
Vol 61 (5) ◽  
pp. 493-508 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert E. Brown

The recent ascendency of Trumpism calls for a historical review of nativist movements and the social appeal they gained. This article will focus on talk-radio and how it shaped and influenced the American psyche and became a cornerstone for conservatism. The article illustrates common themes between contemporary talk-radio hosts and previous antiprogressive figures. Understanding the success of Rush Limbaugh, which started in the late 1980s, created a whole social movement that ought to be analyzed in order to understand the current mood of Trumpism. The author draws from historical events and personal anecdotes to analyze the nativist sentiments that keep reemerging in the public discourse.

Focaal ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 2011 (59) ◽  
pp. 51-65
Author(s):  
Daiva Repečkait

This article analyzes the public discourse on the riots of 16 January 2009, in Vilnius, when protest against economic shock therapy ended in violent clashes with the police. Politicians and the media were quick to ethnicize the riots, claiming an “involvement of foreign influences” and noting that the rioters had been predominantly “Russian-speaking.” Analyzing electronic and print media, the article identifies a wider tendency, particularly among middle-class Lithuanian youth, of portraying the social class consisting of “losers of the post-soviet transition” as aggressive and primitive Others. A pseudo-ethnicity that combines Rus sian language and culture with lower-class background into a notion of homo sovieticus comes to stand for what is hindering the “clean up” of Lithuania and middleclass aspirations to form a new European identity. As such, the riots serve as a lens that illuminates the way ethnicity is flexibly utilized to shift political loyalties.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 73 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip C.W. Cheung

This review examines the benefits and alleged risks associated with the disinfection of drinking water by chlorination, through critical appraisal of the historical saga of chloroform as the main disinfection by-product (DBP). The author maintains that the provision of clean drinking water is a survival issue for humankind and supports unreservedly the recommendation by the World Health Organization (WHO) of the United Nations to disinfect by chlorination, for the reasons stated herein. The author aims to lead water professionals to a deeper understanding of the public health issues concerning chloroform and how the corpus of knowledge was attained by colossal multi-disciplinary effort on a global scale.Origins of the alleged risks of chlorination are traced and the assumptions behind these allegations are questioned. The author welcomes and encourages innovations for improved methods of water treatment insofar that the standards of potability set out by the WHO are met in the very least, but argues that the commencement point of research into new techniques should be an acknowledgment of the development of disinfection up to contemporary times, on the part of water engineers and policy makers. There must be a clear recognition of the horrific consequences of failure to eliminate pathogens and toxic substances. To this effect, landmark tragedies are described to emphasize the point.Significantly, this work addresses topics which are sine quo non to the debate over chlorination but which are often lacking in public discourse, namely: differences in the way cytochrome P450 enzymes oxidize carbon tetrachloride which is not normally a product of chlorination, and chloroform, which is a disinfection by-product; the role of free radical scavengers in protecting the human body; the difficulties of extrapolating experimental results from rodents to humans; the awareness of the complex relationship between governments, chemical industries, special interest groups and the public. Also introduced are the aetiologies of some cancers (e.g., Hepatitis B and C viruses as the instigators for hepatocellular carcinoma) to juxtapose claims that chloroform in drinking water is the sole culprit responsible for liver, bladder, colorectal cancers and birth defects etc. Other well known human carcinogens and a few inorganic compounds known to cause harm are also depicted. Lastly, a structured approach towards integrating the overarching concepts in the analysis of alleged carcinogenicity is applied to chloroform and the inferences discussed.The literature reviewed spanned the years 1848 – 2017.


2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 50
Author(s):  
Elizabete David Novaes

<p><strong>Resumo:</strong> O presente artigo busca evidenciar o papel social das mulheres nos movimentos sociais promovidos no decorrer da história. Para cumprir com tal propósito, discute o caráter patriarcal da ciência cartesiana; apresenta uma reflexão acerca da articulação entre o público e privado; elabora uma revisão teórica acerca da historiografia da mulher, ressaltando a ação da mulher em diferentes momentos da história, buscando evidenciá-la como sujeito ativo, capaz de integrar o público e o privado, participando da conquista de direitos. Para enfatizar as articulações existentes entre as dimensões pública e privada, este artigo defende que historicamente a mulher politiza vias não políticas do cotidiano, atuando em movimentos sociais promotores de reivindicações e manifestações sociais, de modo a superar limites ideologicamente traçados pelo viés patriarcal da ciência moderna, de base cartesiana, atuando na luta por direitos e participação política na história.</p><p><strong>Palavras-chave:</strong> gênero; historiografia; público e privado; movimentos sociais; direitos.</p><p><strong>Abstract:</strong> This paper describes evidences of the social role of the women inside different social movements occurred during our history. It began with a discussion the patriarchal character of Cartesian science, presents reflections about the public and private articulation, a theoretical review of the women´s historiography, emphasizing their action at different times in history and trying to emphazise them as active subject which is capable to integrate the public and private, participating of the conquer their rights. To emphasize all the previous articulations between the public and private dimensions, this manuscript argues that historically women politicize daily non-political pathways. Their actuations in social movements promote the demands and social manifestations in order to ideologically overcome the limitations set by the the patriarchal bias of modern science, acting in the the fight (ou struggle) for rights and political participation in history.</p><p><strong>Keywords:</strong> gender, historiography, public and private; social movement; rights.</p>


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 187
Author(s):  
Rahmad Hidayat

This article aims to show how the social movement was conducted in the framework of claiming a number of aspects of citizenship, especially environmental rights and political participation, to the local government. The refusal of FRAT Bima over the extractive policy of the Government of Bima District during 2011-2012 becomes a reflective context of the type of social movement with such a framework. This social protest should be explored further because it used acts of vandalism on some public facilities as the chosen way to fight against the environmental and political injustices. Through a case study, the author aims to explore the sequence of repertoires which were applied sequentially by FRAT Bima’s social protest as well as to examine its linkage with environmental citizenship and public distrust. Despite being closely related to citizens' awareness about environmental citizenship, the occurrence of this anarchist movement was also triggered by the low level of "formal legitimacy" of the local government as a seed of public distrust towards the intentions of environmental governance policy that was about to be applied to make the agricultural land owned by villagers as the site of a certain project of mineral extraction. The lack of the government’s formal legitimacy, which was supported by the growing awareness of environmental citizenship, has led the sequential application of conventional and non-conventional strategies in the demands articulation of FRAT Bima. This sequence of repertoires was held due to the low-level of government's responsiveness in accommodating the public claims about the cancellation of an undemocratic environmental policy.


2004 ◽  
Vol 112 (1) ◽  
pp. 186-200 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luke Gregory ◽  
Brett Hutchins

This paper investigates the social construction of a site of public discourse: the letters to the editor page of an Australian regional daily newspaper, The Daily News.1 Of key concern are the processes through which public discourse is constructed and mediated by those who select and edit letters for publication. Drawing on a content analysis of the letters page and in-depth interviews with the editorial staff, it is demonstrated how routine practices and the social knowledge of media workers play a specific and discernible role in shaping public dialogue. In light of the findings presented, the concluding section discusses the relationship between editorial practices and the public sphere.


2021 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-170
Author(s):  
Piraye Hacıgüzeller

AbstractIn this essay I scrutinize the non-anthropocentric discourses used by the social sciences and humanities narratives and critiques of the Anthropocene. Although not always predominant within the academic Anthropocene debate, such discursive strands remain politically and ethically inspiring and influential in that debate and for the public discourse concerning the epoch. I stress that these discourses inherit the hope for human progress that characterizes critical theory of the Frankfurt school, i.e. ‘critical hope’, a type of hope that renders the non-anthropocentric discourses self-contradictory. Even when they manage to escape the hold of critical hope, these discourses, I argue, suffer from ethical and political failings due to their inherent lack of focus on human–human relations and largely ahistorical nature. I conclude the essay by advocating an Anthropocene archaeology that remains critical of and learns from the ethical and political shortcomings of non-anthropocentric perspectives and making a related call for a slow archaeology of the Anthropocene.


2012 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 222-238 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Dobryninas ◽  
M. Dobrynina ◽  
I. Česnienė ◽  
V. Giedraitis ◽  
R. Merkevičius

Santrauka. Kriminalinė justicija suprantama kaip socialinės kontrolės sistema, kuri per atitinkamą įstatymų leidybą, praktikas bei institucijas užtikrina nusikaltimų kontrolę ir prevenciją bei taiko poveikio priemones teisės pažeidėjams. Kriminalinės justicijos paskirtis demokratinėje visuomenėje atitinka jos narius vienijantį bendrą socialinį interesą – gyventi saugioje ir solidarioje visuomenėje, kurioje kiekvienam jos piliečiui yra užtikrinamas tinkamas saugumo lygis, paisoma jų teisių, o teisingumas vykdomas visiems vienodai ir teisingai. Nors Vakarų civilizacijos kriminalinės justicijos principams yra daugiau kaip du šimtai metų, jų įgyvendinimas visuomenėje nėra mechaninis ir priklauso nuo įvairių istorinių, kultūrinių, geografinių bei globalaus vystymosi aplinkybių. Straipsnyje, remiantis fenomenologinės sociologinės požiūriu, analizuojamos kriminalinės justicijos recepcijos konstravimo aspektai profesiniame lauke, jo sąsajos su makro (ekonomikos) bei mikro (psichologijos) socialiniais veiksniais, masinių medijų įtaka kriminalinės justicijos suvokimui visuomenėje. Atsižvelgiama ne tik į relevantiškas šiai problemai teorinius šaltinius, bet ir atliktos fokusuotų grupinių diskusijų rezultatus. Pirmame poskyryje analizuojami profesiniai teisiniai kriminalinės justicijos apibrėžimo aspektai, antrame – demonstruojami, kaip ekonominiai procesai gali keisti politinius kriminalinės justicijos tikslus. Trečias poskyris nagrinėja psichologinius veiksnius, kurie gali įtakoti paprastų žmonių sampratą apie kriminalinę justiciją. Ketvirtas poskyris pristato komunikacinius kriminalinės justicijos recepcijos visuomenėje aspektus.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: kriminalinė justicija, diskursai, ekonominiai ciklai, psichologinė recepcija, masinės medijos. Keywords: criminal justice, discourses, economic circles, psychological reception, mass media.ABSTRACT  On Perceptions of Criminal Justice in SocietyThe perception of criminal justice in society is a controversial social problem. Traditionally, criminal justice issues have been treated as a matter of professional interest for criminologists, criminal justice experts and other professionals from related fields. But is expert knowledge the only valid kind when it comes to criminal justice topics? This question, though rhetorical, is aimed at stimulating discussion about the co-existence of different types of social knowledge on criminal justice, and their impact on various discourses concerning crime and punishment in society. In this article a group of researchers from Vilnius University makes use of phenomenological methods to analyse three different types of discourse on criminal justice: professional, political and public. The professional discourse on criminal justice is scrutinised from the perspective of penal law, the political discourse from the point of view of macroeconomics, while the public discourse is analysed using ideas drawn from psychology and media studies. The analysis of these discourses seeks to examine the social construction of criminal justice, and the particularities of its reception among professionals, politicians and a wider public.


2014 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 431-449 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elzbieta Korolczuk

This article focuses on the identity work that takes place on the biggest Polish Internet forum for infertile people (www.nasz-bocian.pl). It is an example of a wider trend of “digital groupings created by and for those who struggle with the physical and emotional burden of a disease or disability, and through blogs, chats and forums contact others who have similar experiences, while staying anonymous. Participating in on-line discussions often leads to various forms of social engagement, both on-line and off-line. The sick, their family members, partners and friends cooperate in order to change the public discourse, as well as the regulation and financing of research and the treatment of certain diseases. Emergence and proliferation of such digital groupings raise questions such as: what ails these communities? How the collective identity is constructed on-line? This article examines “boundary work, which is a specific element of collective identity construction processes. The analysis concerns how the borders are established between the different sub-groups within the digital community, and how this process involves producing novel forms of identity based on a fragmented “socially legitimized childlessness. It focuses on a sub-forum” Conscious Childlessness and is based on qualitative analysis of the posts placed there. This sub-forum was established by users who do not necessarily share the dominant collective identity around which the social mobilization on infertility in Poland coalesces. They refuse to see themselves as sick people, or as patients, attempting to construct a new collective identity based on the idea of choice and the pursuit of happiness.


2007 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donatella della Porta ◽  
Manuela Caiani

Although the process of European integration is proceeding speedily and social movements are often interacting transnationally, research on the Europeanization of social movement actors is far from developed. Some scholars, focusing especially on public interest groups active at EU level, expect that civil society actors, due among other reasons to the flexibility of their organizational structures, will be able to adapt quickly to integration. Others, especially scholars looking at protest activities, are skeptical on three accounts: (1) will actors endowed with scarce material resources be able to build transnational organizations; (2) will they be able to stage supranational protest events; and (3) will the European Union be accountable to pressure from below. In this article, we focus on the degree and forms of social movement participation in the public discourse and collective action concerning Europe—that is, their capacity to take part in the debate and mobilization referring to European issues, targets, and actors. On the basis of a comparative dataset that includes content analyses of daily press and interview data from seven European countries, we argue that various forms of Europeanization of the public discourse and mobilization by social movements are indeed on the rise, with a growing presence not only of purely European actors but also of European targets and frames, as well as transnational movement networks. Changes across time emerge, with the development of (conflictual) forms of "Europeanization from below."


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