Design Factors in the Assessment of Intelligence

1979 ◽  
Vol 88 (5_suppl) ◽  
pp. 64-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frances Degen Horowitz

The use of intelligence tests to assess the effects of otitis media on the development of children is discussed in this article. An overview of the development of intelligence tests is provided and some of the limitations and central issues of controversy concerning intelligence testing and the IQ are reviewed. Basic intelligence tests are described in terms of their characteristics and uses; the questions which an investigator must ask about any given intelligence test measure are posed and answered. Finally, cautions concerning the applicability of intelligence tests for evaluating the effects of otitis media are offered.

Author(s):  
Annette Mülberger

The intelligence test consists of a series of exercises designed to measure intelligence. Intelligence is generally understood as mental capacity that enables a person to learn at school or, more generally, to reason, to solve problems, and to adapt to new (challenging) situations. There are many types of intelligence tests depending on the kind of person (age, profession, culture, etc.) and the way intelligence is understood. Some tests are general, others are focused on evaluating language skills, others on memory, on abstract and logical thinking, or on abilities in a wide variety of areas, such as, for example, recognizing and matching implicit visual patterns. Scores may be presented as an IQ (intelligence quotient), as a mental age, or simply as a point on a scale. Intelligence tests are instrumental in ordering, ranking, and comparing individuals and groups. The testing of intelligence started in the 19th century and became a common practice in schools and universities, psychotechnical institutions, courts, asylums, and private companies on an international level during the 20th century. It is generally assumed that the first test was designed by the French scholars A. Binet and T. Simon in 1905, but the historical link between testing and experimenting points to previous tests, such as the word association test. Testing was practiced and understood in different ways, depending not only on the time, but also on the concrete local (cultural and institutional) conditions. For example, in the United States and Brazil, testing was immediately linked to race differences and eugenic programs, while in other places, such as Spain, it was part of an attempt to detect “feebleness” and to grade students at certain schools. Since its beginning, the intelligence test received harsh criticism and triggered massive protests. The debate went through the mass media, leading to the infamous “IQ test wars.” Thus, nowadays, psychologists are aware of the inherent danger of cultural discrimination and social marginalization, and they are more careful in the promotion of intelligence testing. In order to understand the role the intelligence test plays in today’s society, it is necessary to explore its history with the help of well-documented case studies. Such studies show how the testing practice was employed in national contexts and how it was received, used, or rejected by different social groups or professionals. Current historical research adopts a more inclusive perspective, moving away from a narrative focused on the role testing played in North-America. New work has appeared that explores how testing was taking place in different national and cultural environments, such as Russia (the former Soviet Union), India, Italy, the Netherlands, Sweden, Argentina, Chile, and many other places.


Author(s):  
Carleen Franz ◽  
Lee Ascherman ◽  
Julia Shaftel

Intellectual assessment includes the broad range of cognitive skills and processes as measured by major intelligence tests. Intelligence testing is an integral part of the assessment process; however, it is often misunderstood. A great deal of weight is assigned to the scores, and decisions are often made that are not justified by the results. It is important for the clinician to understand the nature of the process, the types and interpretations of the scores, and the limitations, to avoid common fallacies. Two of the predominant tests, the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children-V and the Woodcock-Johnson IV Tests of Cognitive Abilities, are described. Some misconceptions about IQ are explained, and interpretation of intelligence test results is carefully spelled out for the clinician unfamiliar with these tools. The various scores derived from the results of intelligence tests are clarified.


1979 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-108
Author(s):  
Phillip L. Vandivier ◽  
Stella Sue Vandivier

2020 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 276-294 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ryan J. McGill ◽  
Thomas J. Ward ◽  
Gary L. Canivez

The Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children (WISC) is the most widely used intelligence test in the world. Now in its fifth edition, the WISC-V has been translated and adapted for use in nearly a dozen countries. Despite its popularity, numerous concerns have been raised about some of the procedures used to develop and validate translated and adapted versions of the test around the world. The purpose of this article is to survey the most salient of those methodological and statistical limitations. In particular, empirical data are presented that call into question the equating procedures used to validate the WISC-V Spanish, suggesting cautious use of that instrument. It is believed that the issues raised in the present article will be instructive for school psychologists engaged in the clinical assessment of intelligence with the WISC-V Spanish and with other translated and adapted versions around the world.


2017 ◽  
Vol 57 (3) ◽  
pp. 371-398
Author(s):  
Clémentine Beauvais

This article focuses on teachers in the discourses of early twentieth-century proponents of intelligence testing in America. Teachers were often a targeted enemy in the academic literature on intelligence testing—their methods belittled, their unreliability emphasized. Yet, in part because teachers were essential for intelligence tests to be given in schools, they were also often talked about in more ambiguous ways. In particular, this paper argues that psychologists’ ways of talking to, at, and about teachers presented a relationship characterized by an originary indebtedness of teachers toward psychology. Intelligence tests, it was implied, were a gift for teachers, and psychologists’ help a favor that teachers should repay by using the tests and showing rigor, obedience, and gratefulness in doing so. Arguably, the debt was framed in such ways as to render impossible its repayment and to make illegible the potential contributions and initiatives of teachers in the intelligence-testing movement.


1973 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Louis S. Dickstein ◽  
Jayne Ayers

Previous research has indicated that the manipulation of motivating conditions through explicit examiner's expectancy of good performance can significantly improve performance on intelligence tests. In the present study, the manipulation of incentive was used to improve performance. College women were told that the five best scorers would receive monetary rewards. The group receiving incentive-instructions scored significantly higher than the control group on the WAIS Performance Scale and on the Object Assembly subtest. No difference between the groups was obtained for the Advanced Progressive Matrices.


Author(s):  
Ian J. Deary

The new field of cognitive epidemiology looks at whether intelligence tests might have some predictive power in health, and even for death. ‘Does intelligence matter for good health and long life?’ discusses the results of various studies that link the results of intelligence tests at age 11 with medical records in later life. The results show that there is a robust association between higher intelligence test scores in early life and living longer, and having a lower risk of dying from several causes. They also show that, on average, people with higher childhood intelligence have a lower risk of developing various illnesses and are more likely to adopt healthier behaviours as adults.


1985 ◽  
Vol 57 (2) ◽  
pp. 665-666
Author(s):  
Norman Tallent

Psychological tests, in general, measure defined characteristics of people. It is unclear from the terminology, however, whether “IQ tests” measure a characteristic called intelligence or, going with the logic of the expression, measure a score (or index) called an intelligence quotient. We submit that instruments which are so labeled are misnamed and misused also when those who apply them do so basically to gain an IQ to the neglect of the important features of intellectual functioning that can be gained from a test of intelligence. The nonprofessional who has a personal or occupational interest in the assessment of intelligence should be made aware of the potential contributions of intelligence tests and the proper role of IQ.


1973 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 643-649 ◽  
Author(s):  
Filson A. Young ◽  
Marvin Brown

264 grade five boys and girls were divided into high, middle, and low test-anxious and were matched on previously obtained IQs. Group intelligence tests were then administered under either relaxed or achievement-oriented conditions. The hypotheses were suggested by test anxiety theory. The prediction that low-anxious Ss would perform better under achievement conditions than under relaxed conditions was supported by the results for the boys but not for the girls. The results failed to support predictions that highly anxious Ss would perform better under relaxed conditions or that there would be little difference between the performance of the low- and high-anxious Ss under relaxed conditions. Horner's concept of fear of success in women was suggested as an explanation for the differences among the low-anxious Ss. Low-anxious boys improved their performance from relaxed to achievement conditions, while that of the girls deteriorated under the achievement condition.


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