The Aga Khan’s Discourse of Applied Pluralism

2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 78-106 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sahir Dewji

His Highness Aga Khan IV has emerged as a public intellectual advocating for pluralism as a sign of courage and humility. He has spoken repeatedly on the dire need for a pluralist ethic against the “clash of civilizations” and has committed himself to ideals of inclusion, belonging, and helping the world understand pluralism better. In this endeavour he has created partnerships with countries like Canada, to foster more spaces for dialogue and (re)thinking the application of pluralism. It comes as no surprise that Canada serves as a fitting partner, whose own history with diversity leading to the pivotal decision to implement a multicultural policy is indicative of the pluralistic ethos that has emerged as an integral component of Canadian identity.

2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-66
Author(s):  
Zaprulkhan Zaprulkhan

Abstract: In 1989 Francis Fukuyama with his article The End of History? In the journal The National Interest revolves a speculative thesis that after the West conquered its ideological rival, hereditary monarchy, fascism and communism, the constellation of the world of international politics reached a remarkable consensus to liberal democracy. A few years later, Samuel P. Huntington came up with a more provocative thesis that ideological-based war would be a civilization-based war in his article, The Clash of Civilizations? In the journal Foreign Affairs. It reveals that in the future the world will be shaped by interactions among the seven or eight major civilizations of Western civilization: Confucius, Japan, Islam, Hinduism, Orthodox Slavs, Latin America and possibly Africa. Huntington directed the West to pay particular attention to Islam, for Islam is the only civilization with great potential to shake Western civilization. Departing from the above hypotheses, this paper will specifically discuss the bias of Fukuyama and Huntington's thesis on Islam, and how its solution to build a dialogue of civilization by taking the paradigm of dialogue from Ibn Rushd and Raghib As-Sirjani. Abstrak: Pada tahun 1989 Francis Fukuyama dengan artikelnya The End of History? Dalam jurnal The National Interest revolusioner tesis spekulatif bahwa setelah Barat telah menaklukkan lawan-lawan ideologisnya, monarki herediter, fasisme dan komunisme, konstelasi politik internasional mencapai konsensus yang luar biasa untuk demokrasi liberal. Beberapa tahun kemudian, Samuel P. Huntington muncul dengan tesis yang lebih provokatif bahwa perang berbasis ideologis akan menjadi perang berbasis peradaban dalam artikelnya, The Clash of Civilisations? Dalam jurnal Luar Negeri. Ini mengungkapkan bahwa di masa depan akan dibentuk oleh interaksi antara tujuh atau delapan peradaban utama peradaban Barat: Konfusius, Jepang, Islam, Hindu, Slavia Ortodoks, Amerika Latin dan mungkin Afrika. Perhatian Huntington pada Islam adalah potensi terpenting untuk mengguncang peradaban Barat. Berangkat dari hipotesis di atas, makalah ini akan secara khusus membahas bias tesis Fukuyama dan Huntington tentang Islam, dan bagaimana mereka akan mengambil paradigma dialog dari Ibn Rushd dan Raghib As-Sirjani.


Author(s):  
Timon Beyes

Peter Sloterdijk is a German philosopher and public intellectual whose work constitutes an original philosophy of becoming, of processes of formation and self-formation. Due to his wide-ranging interests––he has been called a ‘morphological thinker’ and a ‘trainee’ experimenting with new forms and combinations of thought––and his outspoken disdain for the ‘scholastic aberrance’ of institutional philosophy, Sloterdijk has become a singular and contested figure in the intellectual landscape. This chapter examines Sloterdijk’s body of thought and its relevance to organization studies, especially with regard to embodiment, space, affect, and a scholarly ethics of generosity. In particular, it discusses his notions of ‘coming-into-the-world’ and relational movement, cynicism and kynicism, anthropotechnics and acrobatics, spatiality and (atmo)sphere, and thymotic energies and psychopolitics.


Author(s):  
H. S. Jones

E. A. Freeman is best remembered as an historian, but he was also an extensive contributor to the ‘higher journalism’ of the mid-Victorian period. Yet his prolific journalistic output has never attracted sustained attention from historians. This essay analyses the relationship between Freeman’s historical work and his journalism in order to explore his place in Victorian intellectual life. It asks how far his journalism was reliant upon an authority derived from his distinction as an historian. While Freeman drew rather promiscuously on a number of analytically distinct ways of understanding the relationship between history and politics, he responded to accusations of ‘antiquarianism’ and ‘historical-mindedness’ by clarifying what he saw as the role of the historian in public life. Since history, he thought, would inevitably be deployed in political controversy, the important thing was that historical error should be expunged in order to clarify political issues.


Author(s):  
Todd Scribner

After descending an escalator of his hotel at Central Park West on a June day in 2015, Donald Trump ascended a podium and proceeded to accuse Mexico of "sending people that have lots of problems, and they're bringing those problems with us (sic). They're bringing drugs. They're bringing crime. They're rapists" (Time 2015). It was a moment that marked the launch of his bid for president of the United States. From that point forward, Trump made immigration restriction one of the centerpieces of his campaign. Paired with an economically populist message, the nativist rhetoric shaped a narrative that helped launch him to the White House. His effectiveness partly lay in his ability to understand and exploit preexisting insecurities, partly in his outsider status, and partly in his willingness to tap into apparently widespread public sentiment that is uneasy with, if not overtly hostile to, migrants.This paper will try to make sense of the restrictionist logic that informs the Trump administration’s worldview, alongside some of the underlying cultural, philosophical, and political conditions that inspired support for Trump by millions of Americans. This paper contends that the Clash of Civilizations (CoC) paradigm is a useful lens to help understand the positions that President Trump has taken with respect to international affairs broadly, and specifically in his approach to migration policy. This paradigm, originally coined by the historian Bernard Lewis but popularized by the political theorist Samuel Huntington (Hirsh 2016), provides a conceptual framework for understanding international relations following the end of the Cold War.  It is a framework that emphasizes the importance of culture, rather than political ideology, as the primary fault line along which future conflicts will occur. Whether Trump ever consciously embraced such a framework in the early days of his candidacy is doubtful. He has been candid about the fact that he has never spent much time reading and generally responds to problems on instinct and "common sense" rather than a conceptually defined worldview developed by academics and intellectuals (Fisher 2016).  Nevertheless, during the presidential campaign, and continuing after his victory, Trump surrounded himself with high-level advisers, political appointees, and staff who, if they have nothing else in common, embrace something roughly akin to the Clash of Civilizations perspective (Ashford 2016).[1]The paper will focus primarily on Trump’s approach to refugee resettlement. One might think that refugees would elicit an almost knee-jerk sympathy given the tragic circumstances that drove their migration, but perceptions of refugees are often tied up with geopolitical considerations and domestic political realities. Following 9/11, the threat of Islamic-inspired terrorism emerged as a national security priority. With the onset of the Syrian Civil War and the significant refugee crisis that ensued in its wake, paired with some high-profile terrorist attacks in the United States and Europe, the “Islamic threat” became even more pronounced.The perception that Islamic-inspired terrorism is a real and imminent threat has contributed to a growing antagonism toward the resettlement of refugees, and particularly Muslims. When viewed through the lens of the CoC paradigm, victims of persecution can easily be transformed into potential threats. Insofar as Islam is understood as an external and even existential threat to the American way life, the admission of these migrants and refugees could be deemed a serious threat to national security.This paper will begin by examining some of Trump’s campaign promises and his efforts to implement them during the early days of his administration. Although the underlying rationale feeding into the contemporary reaction against refugee resettlement is unique in many respects, it is rooted in a much longer history that extends back to the World War II period. It was during this period that a more formal effort to admit refugees began, and it was over the next half century that the program developed. Understanding the historical backdrop, particularly insofar as its development was influenced by the Cold War context, will help to clarify some of the transitions that influenced the reception of refugees in the decades after the fall of the Soviet Union.Such an exploration also helps to explain how and why a CoC paradigm has become ascendant. The decline of the ideologically driven conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union has, according Huntington’s thesis, been superseded by culturally based conflicts that occur when competing civilizations come into contact. The conceptual framework that the CoC framework embodies meshes well with the cultural and economic dislocation felt by millions of Trump supporters who are concerned about the continued dissolution of a shared cultural and political heritage. It is important to keep in mind that the CoC paradigm, as a conceptual framework for understanding Donald Trump and his approach to refugee resettlement and migration more broadly, is at its core pre-political; it helps to define the cultural matrix that people use to make sense of the world. The policy prescriptions that follow from it are more effect than cause.[1] It is worth noting that proponents of the CoC worldview are just one bloc within the Trump administration, albeit at the moment an influential one. Other competing blocs (e.g., establishment Republicans) are also in the mix.


2011 ◽  
Vol 59 (2) ◽  
pp. 252-267 ◽  
Author(s):  
José Casanova

The article examines the three alternative conceptions of the emerging global order with special reference to the place and role of the world religions in that order. (1) Cosmopolitanism builds upon developmental theories of modernization that envision this transformation as a global expansion of western secular modernity, conceived as a universal process of human development. Secularization remains a key analytical as well as normative component. Religions that resist privatization are viewed as a dangerous ‘fundamentalism’ that threatens the differentiated structures of secular modernity. (2) Huntington’s conception of the ‘clash of civilizations’ maintains the analytical components of western modernity but stripped of any universalist normative claim. Modernity is a particular achievement of western civilization that is grounded in the Judeo-Christian tradition. The world religions are the continuously vital core of what are essentially incompatible civilizations doomed to clash with one another for global hegemony. (3) The model of ‘multiple modernities’ is presented as an alternative analytical framework that combines some of the universalist claims of cosmopolitanism, devoid of its secularist assumptions, with the recognition of the continuous relevance of the world religions for the emerging global order.


2004 ◽  
pp. 11-12
Author(s):  
Akhmed Musavi-Maleki

After the end of the Cold War, some Western politicians, using a number of research and university centers, try to put forward theories like the concept of a clash of civilizations and thus impose their policies on the world community and independent countries. In this regard, they are making attempts to present Islam as a kind of threat. Through false propaganda in the media dependent on them, such politicians try to portray the extremist and non-humanistic image of Islam in the ideas of the world community and connect Islam with terrorism.


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 184
Author(s):  
Kalplata Kalplata

Philippe Aubert de Gaspé establishes French Canadian identity through his book Les Anciens Canadiens written in 1863. This work announces already the start of nationalism in this part of the world, Canada, which is cold and isolated by its climate but where warmth and humanity are present in every heart. Les Anciens Canadiens is a book which is primarily Canadian. Through this novel, the author unveils Canadian characteristics, its local colour, its land and its language. In this article we discuss mainly the style used by the author which makes this book a Canadian book. This style comes from the environment, from the cold weather and the silence of Canada. We analyse also the character of José who represents the Canadian innocence. Like José, Canada is fresh, welcoming, kind, endowed with ancient tradition. He is witness to Canadian pride and love.


2019 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. vii-xv
Author(s):  
Ovamir Anjum

Historical thinking, a necessary tool for us to make sense of an increasinglycomplex world, is on a path of decline across the world. In a recent NewYorker article entitled “The Decline of Historical Thinking” (February 4,2019), Eric Alterman, an English Professor at CUNY and a public intellectual,bemoaned the nosedive that enrollment in history departments hastaken in universities across the United States. For the past decade, historyhas been declining more rapidly than any other major and across allethnic and racial groups, even as more and more students attend college.The steep decline in history graduates (about a third!) becomes especiallyvisible after 2011, presumably in the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisiswhen students and parents at the lower rungs of society began to worryabout the financial return of investment in a college education. History isthe top loser, but it is not the only one; in fact, nearly the same rate of declineis evident in other humanities fields including area studies, languages,philosophy, and, to a slightly lesser extent, social sciences (political science,anthropology, sociology, IR, education). The winners, not surprisingly, areSTEM (Science, Technology, Engineering, and Math), particularly computerscience and health related majors.1 This trend is not a great surprise initself. What is unexpected, however, is that the decline is not uniform. Inelite universities in the United States, the humanities majors are thriving;history remains among the top declared majors at Yale, for instance. Theeducated elite, in other words, are becoming systematically differentiatedfrom the vast majority of people (“the demos”) in a powerful democracy,one that still sets intellectual and political trends in the world, and one ...


Author(s):  
Karen Fox

Although music-dance making would seem, intuitively, to be part of leisure studies, music and dance very seldom appear beyond the simple form of “activity” and rarely as music-dance making. Many Indigenous peoples conceptualize music-dance making as essential to life, knowledge, and taking care of the earth and cosmos. Seeking insight and wisdom from Indigenous practices and words, this chapter enacts maieutic listening to engage with Indigenous music-dance making that has sustained and nourished Indigenous Kanaka Maoli, Kanaka ‘Ōiwi, and Diné peoples for generations. The aim of the discussion is to gesture to social and political insights that can emerge through dialogue between Indigenous music-dance making and knowledge systems and Western leisure: a dialogue that unprivileges Western leisure. As Indigenous initiatives related to sovereignty, self-determination, and concern for the earth crisscross the world, the presence, power, and survivance of Indigenous music-dance making, as an integral component challenges, enriches, or changes how leisure is imagined and practiced.


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