Tracing the Distribution of Chinese and World Bank-Funded Projects and Public Demonstrations in Cameroon and Uganda

2020 ◽  
pp. 002190962093911
Author(s):  
Afa’anwi Ma’abo Che

Extant literature has explored the effects of foreign aid on armed conflicts and state repression, but not on public demonstrations. This article compares distribution patterns of Chinese and World Bank-funded projects and public demonstrations in Cameroon, receiving predominantly Chinese official finance, and Uganda, receiving predominantly traditional, Western aid. Distributive patterns suggest negative and positive associations between Chinese and traditional official finance on the one hand and public demonstrations on the other. However, with respect to anti-project demonstrations specifically, I find through fieldwork interviews in Cameroon that Chinese-funded projects are more prone to anti-project demonstrations owing to less stringent risk management standards.

1997 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Siegfried Gelbhaar

AbstractThe article analyses the economic rationality of multilateral arrangements in foreign aid policy. In the centre of attention is a comparison of patterns of valuation taken from the theory of welfare concerning selected forms of international co-operation. Furthermore, the paper discusses patterns of explanation for the coming into being and the function of multilateral organisations from a publicchoice- perspective. The result of politico-economic evaluation is ambivalent: On the one hand those institutions reduce the transparency and the possibility of democratic and parliamentary control of international politics respectively. Thus, the structural efficiency of the aims of political programs could be endangered. Furthermore specific agency-problems aggravate the conditions for the realisation of political aims at minimum cost. On the other hand multilateral organisations open up a special strategic set of action for democratically elected politicians upon which institutions such as the IMF or the World Bank could at least possibly foster economic welfare.


1991 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-106 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alcira Kreimer

This paper identifies key sustainability issues arising in earthquake-related projects financed by The World Bank. First, Bank-financed reconstruction activities are briefly described within the background of the Bank's objectives in development. Second, the connections between human activities and development decisions on the one hand and seismic risk and vulnerability on the other are discussed. The multiple nature of earthquake-related losses are identified, including economic (direct and indirect), time-related and institutional losses. Third, resource mobilization efforts following disasters are discussed, including issues related to local and international aid. Fourth, the inclusion of measures geared to preventing losses in Bank-financed reconstruction efforts are explored within the overall context of preserving sustainability and reducing vulnerability. The paper offers the conclusion that the losses from vulnerable development amount to a significant burden to member countries governments, institutions, and populations.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Boban Petrović ◽  
Janko Međedović ◽  
Olivera Radović ◽  
Sanja Radetić Lovrić

After almost 20 years since the end of the armed conflicts in former Yugoslavia, we are witnesses to the fact that the main causes of the conflicts have not been overcome. Reconciliation between ethnic groups that had been in conflict by means of economic and political cooperation, must have a psychological foundation. This study investigates the relations between Conspiracy Mentality, basic lexical social attitudes, and the factors important for Croatian-Serbian and Kosovo Albanian-Serbian reconciliation, i.e., the Ethos of Conflict and the Readiness for Reconciliation. We hypothesize that Conspiracy Mentality will predict the propensity for reconciliation over and above basic social attitudes, and that will mediate the relations between basic social attitudes and factors contributing (or preventing) reconciliation. With the samples of Serbs from Central Serbia (n = 307) and Northern Kosovo (n = 271), Conspiracy Mentality, Ethos of Conflict, Readiness for Reconciliation and five basic lexical social attitudes (Traditional Religiosity, Unmitigated Self-Interest, Communal Rationalism, Subjective Spirituality, and Inequality-Aversion) were measured. Results showed that Conspiracy Mentality is negatively related to the Readiness for Reconciliation and positively to the Ethos of Conflict. Additionally, Conspiracy Mentality predicts Ethos of Conflict over and above the basic social attitudes. Finally, Conspiracy Mentality mediates the relationships between Traditional Religiosity, Inequality-Aversion and Subjective Spirituality on the one hand, and Ethos of Conflict on the other. The results suggest that Conspiracy Mentality should be taken into consideration when creating policies and programmes focused on reconciliation.


1962 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 301-309 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hans Morgenthau

Of the seeming and real innovations which the modern age has introduced into the practice of foreign policy, none has proven more baffling to both understanding and action than foreign aid. The very assumption that foreign aid is an instrument of foreign policy is a subject of controversy. For, on the one hand, the opinion is widely held that foreign aid is an end in itself, carrying its own justification, both transcending, and independent of, foreign policy. In this view, foreign aid is the fulfillment of an obligation of the few rich nations toward the many poor ones. On the other hand, many see no justification for a policy of foreign aid at all. They look at it as a gigantic boon-doggle, a wasteful and indefensible operation which serves neither the interests of the United States nor those of the recipient nations.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 123-144
Author(s):  
Badar Alam Iqbal ◽  
Mohd Nayyer Rahman ◽  
Munir Hasan

The difference between growth and development is not subtle but substantially huge and the gap is ever increasing. The dividing line is social indicators. Countries witnessing high growth rates for decades are not equal performers in development when social indicators are observed. India is an emerging economy on the one hand and a developing on the other hand but a lower income country as per World Bank statistic. While India holds economic indicators that appears to be promising to the world and investors that is not the case with social indicators. The present study is an attempt to critically review the social indicators for India and to trace the trajectory of fall or growth in such indicators while comparing with selected countries.


1969 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 147-149
Author(s):  
Philip C. Packard

In the economic literature, one approach to development has centred on capital accumulation. This leads to an emphasis upon public finance, foreign aid, and such-like measures designed to raise funds for governments to invest. In the sub-Saharan situation, capital accumulation poses a dilemma: on the one hand there are great institutional deficiencies for raising capital; on the other, the amount of capital which most observers feel can be raised is much less than the ‘needs’ of African societies. This concentration on the problems of capital and its accumulation is what economists call the ‘macro’ approach. It asks what over-all amounts of capital are needed. It does not in the usual case relate the total capital to its different uses.


AJIL Unbound ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 110 ◽  
pp. 193-198 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pablo Kalmanovitz

In recent debates about the interplay between international humanitarian law (IHL) and human rights law (IHRL), two broad camps have emerged. On the one hand, defenders of what may be called the convergence thesis have emphasized the inclusion of basic rights protections in the so-called “Geneva instruments” of IHL, as well as the role of human rights bodies in interpreting and amplifying rights protections in IHL through juridical or quasi-juridical interpretation and pronouncements. In armed conflicts, it is said, human rights apply concurrently and in ways that strengthen the protective constraints of IHL. Critics of the convergence thesis, on the other hand, have protested that pressing human rights obligations on state forces misunderstands the nature of both IHL and IHRL, and generates misplaced and impossibly onerous demands on belligerents—ultimately and perversely, the effect of emphasizing convergence may be less, not more, human rights protection.


Author(s):  
Tom Ruys

In recent years, international law’s supposed “neutrality” toward rebellion has been challenged by authors who have argued for an ad bellum ban on the first resort to hostilities or, conversely, for an exceptional and conditional right of organized armed resistance for non-state actors only. This chapter revisits the proposed “internal jus ad bellum” models. The first section examines whether an additional ad bellum layer is needed in order to restrain government recourse to force against rebels and shares some thoughts as to whether adding an ad bellum prohibition on government recourse to force against rebels is moreover feasible. The second section deals with internal use of force against the state and scrutinizes the proposal to create a broader right of organized armed resistance at the ad bellum level. The concluding section explores the links between the proposed internal jus ad bellum, on the one hand, and the concept of recognition of belligerency and third-state intervention in non-international armed conflicts (NIACs), on the other hand.


2021 ◽  
pp. 140349482199373
Author(s):  
Alexi Gugushvili ◽  
Martin Mckee

Could there be a symbiotic relationship between COVID-19 and conflict? On the one hand, circumstances associated with armed conflicts may give rise to greater spread of the virus, while, on the other hand, the COVID-19 pandemic may create conditions for violence through heightened xenophobia and nationalism or may change the dynamics of existing conflicts. We illustrate this with the example of war in the South Caucasus, one of the hot spots of the pandemic. Elsewhere, COVID-19 may have reduced the intensity of conflicts in some places, but it also may have contributed to anti-government protests and communal violence. We call for greater emphasis on traditional public health measures in unstable settings coupled with actions to hasten the peaceful resolution of ongoing conflicts.


1975 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 395-407
Author(s):  
S. Henriksen

The first question to be answered, in seeking coordinate systems for geodynamics, is: what is geodynamics? The answer is, of course, that geodynamics is that part of geophysics which is concerned with movements of the Earth, as opposed to geostatics which is the physics of the stationary Earth. But as far as we know, there is no stationary Earth – epur sic monere. So geodynamics is actually coextensive with geophysics, and coordinate systems suitable for the one should be suitable for the other. At the present time, there are not many coordinate systems, if any, that can be identified with a static Earth. Certainly the only coordinate of aeronomic (atmospheric) interest is the height, and this is usually either as geodynamic height or as pressure. In oceanology, the most important coordinate is depth, and this, like heights in the atmosphere, is expressed as metric depth from mean sea level, as geodynamic depth, or as pressure. Only for the earth do we find “static” systems in use, ana even here there is real question as to whether the systems are dynamic or static. So it would seem that our answer to the question, of what kind, of coordinate systems are we seeking, must be that we are looking for the same systems as are used in geophysics, and these systems are dynamic in nature already – that is, their definition involvestime.


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