scholarly journals A Paradox in Polarization? Cross-pressured Representatives and the Missing Incentive to Moderate

World Affairs ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 182 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-96
Author(s):  
Benjamin T. Toll

Members of the public are often left choosing between two extreme candidates who will not represent the moderate, aggregate, public effectively. Cross-pressured members of the U.S. Congress serve a constituency that votes for the opposite party at the national level. If there is any group of representatives that have an incentive to moderate their voting behavior, it is cross-pressured members. In this article, I show that cross-pressured members are more moderate than the average member of their party. This could provide constraints on rampant partisanship in the form of districts that are comfortable electing a representative of one party and voting for the president of the other. However, I show that these members are significantly less likely to be reelected. Thus a paradox exists in which cross-pressured members who moderate their voting behavior are no more likely to be rewarded for behaving the way citizens claim they want to represent.

2021 ◽  
pp. 106591292110297
Author(s):  
Tyler Hughes ◽  
Gregory Koger

Both Congressional parties compete to promote their own reputations while damaging the opposition party’s brand. This behavior affects both policy-making agendas and the party members’ communications with the media and constituents. While there has been ample study of partisan influence on legislative agenda-setting and roll call voting behavior, much less is known about the parties’ efforts to shape the public debate. This paper analyzes two strategic decisions of parties: the timing of collective efforts to influence the public policy debate and the substantive content of these “party messaging” events. These dynamics are analyzed using a unique dataset of 50,195 one-minute speeches delivered on the floor of the U.S. House of Representatives from 1989 to 2016. We find a pattern of strategic matching—both parties are more likely to engage in concurrent messaging efforts, often on the same issue.


1983 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-44
Author(s):  
Jan Narveson

My main complaint about Dworkin's papers on equality was that he had not said much by way of arguing for it. His intriguing response to this request provides a good start, and I shall confine this brief, further comment to what he says on that basic subject. Space considerations, alas, require me to ignore the other parts of his discussion (most of them well-taken, I should say in passing).Dworkin distinguishes what he calls the “abstract egalitarian thesis” from his particular version of equalitarianism, equality of resources. His strategy is to argue, first, that the latter is the best realization or version of the former, and then to argue for the general thesis itself. In my comments, I shall reverse this order, however, for reasons that will be clear as we proceed.1. The Abstract Egalitarian ThesisDworkin states this as follows: “From the standpoint of politics, the interests of the members of the community matter, and matter equally.” (24) The statement is intended to be abstract in the sense that it would “embrace various competing conceptions of equality,” so that in principle we can divide the discussion the way Dworkin has done into the two questions, “Should we accept equality as a principle at all?” and “What is the best version of equality, at what we might call the constitutional level?” But can we really do this? I am not entirely clear that we can. In order to appreciate the difficulty here, at any rate, consider Dworkin's suggestion that ”in order to sharpen the question” – the question whether to accept equality as a principle at all, that is –“I ask you to suppose that the abstract egalitarian principle does provide a good argument for subsidized medicine…” Now, some might think that such a program is paradigm case of what ought to be rejected at the public level, and yet his reasons for such rejection might very well be based on a principle that its proponent would regard as abstractly egalitarian.


1977 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 347-358 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adolf Sprudzs

Among the many old and new actors on the international stage of nations the United States is one of the most active and most important. The U.S. is a member of most existing intergovernmental organizations, participates in hundreds upon hundreds of international conferences and meetings every year and, in conducting her bilateral and multilateral relations with the other members of the community of nations, contributes very substantially to the development of contemporary international law. The Government of the United States has a policy of promptly informing the public about developments in its relations with other countries through a number of documentary publication, issued by the Department of State


Author(s):  
Yovana Soobrayen Veerasamy

Situated within the context of globalization, the purpose of this historical policy analysis study is to identify and describe the ways in which multiple actors shape national higher education internationalization policy within the U.S., and to capture the emerging direction in higher education internationalization policy at the national level between 2000 and 2019. Data will be collected from multiple sources at the national level essentially from organizations within the public, private and voluntary policy-making sectors. The guiding theoretical framework for this study will rely on horizontal and vertical historical analysis. The study aims to describe (1) how policy is shaped in a pluralistic policy-making process, (2) identify factors that influenced policy trajectory, and (3) outline policy rationales between 2000 and 2019.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-117
Author(s):  
Therin Alrik Showalter

Beginning in the early 1990s, the American public has become increasingly politically polarized. As party affiliations have become more rigid, a racial trend has emerged in which white voters are much less likely than black voters to identify as liberal or align with the Democratic Party. Using voting data from the 2016 presidential election, this study correlates the prevalence of whiteness in certain counties with those counties’ support for Democratic presidential candidate Hillary Clinton. This paper first details the increasing polarization over the past decades and the dramatic shift of white voters away from liberalism. It then analyzes the political affiliations of other identity groups (such as women, millennials, and college graduates) that are majority liberal and demonstrates that, when restricted to their white members, those groups all lean conservative. The research results find a significant correlation between concentrated whiteness and a rejection of Hillary Clinton. The correlation on a national level is weaker, however, than the correlation of counties when separated regionally, suggesting that the relationship between whiteness and anti-liberalism depends heavily on a county’s degree of whiteness (or anti-liberalism) in its geographical context. While it is impossible to determine whether the race of white voters consciously motivates their voting behavior, the results suggest that American democracy is informed, in some way, by the racial identities of its participants. These results should encourage the public to discuss the current political climate and its intensely divided electorate from a racial perspective. If the nation perceives political division as a problem to be solved, it is essential to understand what factors might be causing the division. To that end, the results of this study would be fundamental to the nation’s dialogue and should be considered when voters make their decision on Election Day. 


2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dr.Sc. Almira Curri-Mehmeti

Public relations give opportunity to the organization to present its image and personality to its own “public”- users, supporters, sponsors, donors, local community and other public.It is about transferring the message to the public, but that is a two-way street. You must communicate with your public, but at the same time you must give opportunity to the public to communicate easier with you. The real public relations include dialog – you should listen to the others, to see things through their perspective. This elaborate is made with the purpose to be useful for every organization, not for the sensa-tional promotion of its achievements, but to become more critical towards its work. Seeing the organization in the way that the other see it, you can become better and sure that you are giving to your users the best service possible.


2021 ◽  
Vol 66 (Special Issue) ◽  
pp. 137-138
Author(s):  
Federico Nicoli ◽  
◽  
Paul J. Cummins ◽  
Joseph A. Raho ◽  
◽  
...  

"In the aftermath of the 2014 Ebola outbreak, media coverage was scrutinized for sensationalism, weakness in explaining scientific uncertainty, dehumanization of patients, and lack of contextualization. The current COVID-19 crisis presents an opportunity to assess whether the media learned its lesson. Results are mixed. Early reporting on the origin of COVID-19 in “wet markets” indicates that the media continues to do poorly with contextualization. On the other hand, stories on mortality and the infectiousness of COVID-19 indicate there has been improvement. The situation remains fluid as COVID-19 threatens to transform into a pandemic at the time of submission. Data from new countries may alter the reported rates of lethality and infectiousness, and media reporting on these changes may or may not be responsible. The explosion of social media, as a medium to promote reporting, could provide bioethicists a tool to direct the public to reliable stories and criticize inaccurate ones. Using a bioethics perspective, this poster will critically evaluate the quality of U.S. and Italian news media’s reporting on the evolving scientific understanding of COVID-19 and its contextualization. The presentation will employ QR technology to provide links to media coverage of COVID-19 from the U.S. and Italian news media. After critically appraising the quality of COVID-19 reporting, this poster will consider if bioethicists: 1) should provide comment to the media on pandemics; 2) should correct reporting for the public and 3) have a duty to publicly criticize sensationalism in the media. "


Author(s):  
Juan Ángel Chica Urzola ◽  
Alirio Estupiñan Paipa

ResumenLa Administración de Operaciones es una de las tres funciones principales de cualquier organización y está íntegramente relacionada con las otras funciones de negocios. Todas las organizaciones comercializan, financian y producen, para lo cual resulta clave saber cómo funciona el área de operaciones / producción de las organizaciones. Es por ello que muchos autores han estudiado cómo se organiza la gente para producir, y la forma en que los bienes y servicios son generados. De igual manera, estudiar las decisiones tomadas al administrar la producción se hace indispensable porque es una porción costosa de una organización, lo que la convierte en un proceso crítico, que tiene una fuerte repercusión en la productividad y rentabilidad de las organizaciones. La presente investigación busca evidenciar la situación actual del sector empresarial organizado de la ciudad de Montería en cuanto a las decisiones que toman para administrar sus operaciones, con el fin de determinar las debilidades, fortalezas, necesidades y oportunidades de las empresas del sector y además, servir como un referente teórico que brinde la posibilidad de realizar estudios de mayor profundidad al interior de las empresas que conforman el sector.Palabras ClaveEstrategias de Producción, Operaciones, Caracterización. AbstractThe operational administration is one of the three principal functions of any organization and it is integrally related with the other functions. Every organization commercializes, finance, and produce, to which, it is of great importance to know how the operational area/ the pro-duction of the organizations works. Therefore many authors have studied how people get organized to produce as well as the way in which goods and services are generated. Likewise, when deciding what decision should be taken to master the productions it becomes indispensable because it is a relevant part of the process, which can consequently turn into a critic process that contains high reper-cussions in the productivity and revenue of the organizations. The present investigation looks foreword to making evident the current situation enterprises sector of the city of Monteria as regard to the decisions that the public service takes to administer its operations, with the aim of determine the weaknesses, strengths, needs and opportunities of the enterprise.Keywords Production Strategies, Operations, Characterization.


2005 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cassia Spohn

Studies of the federal sentencing process typically focus on sentencing decisions at the national level. These studies assume, either explicitly or implicitly, that there is little interdistrict variation in case processing policies and procedures and that findings regarding sentence outcomes at the national level therefore reflect the reality of decisionmaking in each of the U.S. District Courts. This study uses data on offenders sentenced in three U.S. District Courts to test the assumption of national uniformity in the federal sentencing process. The results of the analysis revealed that the odds of incarceration did not vary among the three districts and that sentence length did not vary at all between Nebraska and Minnesota, but varied by eight months between Nebraska and Southern Iowa and between Minnesota and Southern Iowa. There were, on the other hand, significant interdistrict differences in sentence discounts for downward departures and departures for substantial assistance. Further analysis revealed that most of the interjurisdictional differences in prison sentences were generated by cases in which offenders received substantial assistance departures.


2011 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 643-665
Author(s):  
LLOYD GARDNER ◽  
BEVAN SEWELL

This essay examines the way that US secretary of defense Donald Rumsfeld sought to apply one of the central lessons of the Vietnam War to the George W. Bush administration's War on Terror after 9/11. Following the disastrous withdrawal from Vietnam, Rumsfeld had argued that one of the major lessons to be taken forward was that, in future conflicts, the US needed to ensure that the war was portrayed to the public in a way that would ensure ongoing success. The way to do this, Rumsfeld subsequently averred, was to convey a message of perpetual, unstoppable, but not too rapid, progress; victory was at hand, but it would take some time to achieve. As part of this process, Rumsfeld developed an elaborate narrative based around a keyhole satellite picture of the Korean peninsula at night – one half, that of South Korea, bathed in the light of progress; the other, North Korea, nearly completely dark. This photo, Rumsfeld suggested, told you all you needed to know about the fact that the US would ultimately succeed in the War on Terror. In taking this approach, however, Rumsfeld unwittingly revealed an inherent contradiction that has continued to blight the administration of Barack Obama: that there is a very fine line between progress toward an inevitable endpoint of victory and progress toward a position whereby the US is able to withdraw. For Rumsfeld, progress was toward an endpoint of victory and it was only the change in political context after 2006 that derailed his attempts to set out this message; for Obama, on the other hand, progress has become a prerequisite for getting out of Afghanistan and Iraq.


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