Making (Ab)sense of Women’s Agency and Belonging in Citizenship Debates in India: Analysing the Shaheen Bagh Protests as ‘Act(s) of Citizenship’

Social Change ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 004908572110402
Author(s):  
Papia Sengupta

The developments in citizenship in India that took place in 2019–2020 witnessed intervention from women belonging to minority communities who have emerged as forebears of resistance to the authoritarian-masculine imposition of citizenship as religious exclusion in the form of the Citizenship (Amendment) Act (CAA), 2019. The article revisits the women protests against the Act through the lens of ‘acts of citizenship’. The Shaheen Bagh protests, as these are called popularly, have been studied mainly as Muslim women exhibiting their defiance against a draconian law adversely affecting them. I argue that these protests can be interpreted as acts of citizenship where women spearheaded demonstrations against the Indian state to withhold their rights of citizenship as ‘activist citizens’, asserting the constitutional value of respecting diversity and democratic citizenship, thereby demonstrating ‘constitutional patriotism’. The article contributes to the ongoing debate on gendered citizenship in India providing an alternative approach, moving away from the popular binaries of ‘cultural diversity’ and cultural nationalism’.

2015 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 81-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bernard C. Lategan

The article explores the contours of multiple identities in contrast to singular identities in situations of social complexity and cultural diversity. Nyamnjoh's concepts of “incompleteness” and “frontier Africans” imply an alternative approach to identity formation. Although the formation of one's own, singular identity is a necessary stage in the development of each individual, it has specific limitations. This is especially true in situations of complexity and diversity and where the achievement of social cohesion is an important goal. With reference to existing theories of identity formation, an alternative framework is proposed that is more appropriate for the dynamic, open-ended nature of identity and better suited to encourage the enrichment of identity. The role of imagination, a strategy for crossing borders (with reference to Clingman's concept of a “grammar of identity”), the search for commonality, and the effect of historical memory are discussed. Enriched and multiple identities are not achieved by replacement or exchange, but by widening (existing) singular identities into a more inclusive and diverse understanding of the self.


2019 ◽  
Vol 57 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 8-24
Author(s):  
Masahiro Suzuki ◽  
Chen-Fu Pai

AbstractMainstream criminology has been mainly developed in the US and other English-speaking countries. With an expansion of criminology outside the English-speaking world, several scholars have started to cast doubts on the applicability of current mainstream criminology in their regions because it has failed to account for cultural differences. This question has led to a call for an “indigenized” criminology, in which knowledge and discourses are derived from or fixed to align with unique cultural contexts in each region. In this vein, Liu (2009, 2016, 2017a, 2017b) has proposed Asian Criminology. While it has significantly contributed to the development of criminology in Asia, we see two challenges in Liu’s Asian Criminology: lack of consideration for cultural diversity within Asia and its focus on the individualism–collectivism continuum. In this paper, we propose an alternative approach to developing criminology in Asia, which we call culture-inclusive criminology. It builds on a premise that Asia consists of a variety of cultural zones, and therefore calls for a shift from the Euro-American view on culture towards an understanding of culture in its context. Its goal is to develop indigenized criminologies in each cultural zone of Asia under an umbrella of culture-inclusive criminology.


2013 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 93-107
Author(s):  
Esra Erdem

In the ongoing debate on immigrant integration policies, the Sinus study on migrant milieus has attracted much attention for its clear stance as a proponent of a multicultural society. Brushing aside arguments about an ethnic-religious divide in the German social fabric, the study argues that social milieus constitute much stronger markers of difference than ethnicity. This paper provides a critical appraisal of the postethnic vision articulated by Sinus. However, it also raises some methodological issues concerning the collection and analysis of data on immigrant populations. The concluding section discusses the limits of a politics of difference based on milieus. It questions the potential of the Sinus study to move the German immigration debate forward towards a more democratic vision of citizenship, given its de-emphasis of social inequalities rooted in relations of gender, "race" and class.


Al-Albab ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 125
Author(s):  
Okta Nurul Hidayati ◽  
M. Endy Saputro

Abstract This paper aims to understand the unique relationship between Korean drama and the formation of multicultural identity among Muslim women students. On the one hand, as a form of racial activity, watching Korean dramas can establish a new form of identity while at the same time enriching a new perspective of building multicultural sense. On the other hand as a part of Muslim, they can control Korean culture that is incompatible with Islamic doctrine. This paper argues that adopting Korean dramas positively supports students in creating multicultural cultures. These findings may contribute to the formation of cultural diversity within the Islamic context.


Author(s):  
حبيب الله حسن بتورى ◽  
حبيب الله زكريا ◽  
مامات أونج

أصبح الزواج المختلط ظاهرة منتشرة في جميع أنحاء العالم، ونظراً لبعض الحالات والحوداث الناشئة عن هذا الزواج والتي تتعارض في الغالب مع مقاصد الشريعة المتعلقة بالزواج، أضحت دراسة هذه الظاهرة من حيث الإشكاليات الواردة فيها من الضرورة بمكان للوصول إلى حلول من شأنها تسديد المسار، وتقويم الاعوجاج في هذا الموضوع. على أن الزواج المختلط في حد ذاته- والذي يتم بين رجل وامرأة من قبيلتين مختلفتين تماماً- لا يشكل خطراً في الأمر؛ حيث إن لله تعالى حكمة بالغة في خلق البشر شعوباً وقبائل. هدفت الدراسة إلى النظر في الزواج المختلط في ماليزيا والمشاكل أو التحديات الواردة في هذا النوع من الزواج.  تم استخدام المنهج التحليلي لدراسة هذا الموضوع. توصلت الدراسة إلى أن القانون الماليزي يجيز الزواج المختلط بين القبيلتين المختلفتين شريطة أن يكون المتقدم للزواج بملايوية مسلماً وإن اختلفت لغته وخلفيته الثقافية الصينية أو الهندية، وعلى الرغم من أن القانون يبيح هذا النوع من الزواج إلا أن نسبة نجاح هذا الزواج ضئيلة، وهذه النسبة تهدد مبدأ التأبيد والذي هو الأصل في عقد الزواج، كما أوضحت الدراسة أن السبب وراء ذلك راجع في كثير من الأحيان إلى اختلاف اللغة والثقافة ومشكلات أخرى تم دراستها وتوصلت الدراسة إلى أن هذه المشكلات يمكن حلُّها بتفاهم واحترام متبادل بين الزوجين وأهلهما دون أن يؤول إلى الطلاق، شأنها شأن كثير من المشكلات التي تحدث في غير الزواج المختلط، وتوصي الدراسة صانعي القرار والجهات القانونية إلى وضع ضوابط ولوائح خاصة بهذا النوع من الزواج فيما يتعلق بمشكلة الحضانة حفظاً لمقصد حفظ النسل وصوناً لكرامة المرأة المسلمة. كما توصي المؤسسات الإسلامية بالقيام بدور توعية معتنقي الإسلام لتخفيف وقائع الردة حمايةً للبيضة. الكلمات المفتاحيّة: الزواج المختلط، التعدد الثقافي، مقاصد الشريعة، ماليزيا. Abstract Mixed marriage has become a widespread phenomenon around the globe. Due to some issues emanating from this kind of marriage which are, in most cases, contradictory to the objectives of sharia in marriage, studying this phenomenon in terms of its arising problems has become a necessity in an effort to reach the best solutions. However, mixed marriage, which holds between a man and a woman from different ethnicities, is not problematic in its essence as there is a wisdom behind the creation of humans as different nations and ethnicities. This paper aims to examine mixed marriage in Malaysia and its challenges. Using the analytical method in study this phenomenon, the study found that the Malaysian law permits a mixed marriage provided that the man wishing to marry a Malay woman is a Muslim in spite of diversity in language, educational background, and be he a Chinese or Indian. Despite its permissibility in the Malaysian law, the percentage of success of mixed marriage contract is very low, and this threatens the element, ‘perpetuation’ which is a basic principle of marriage as a life contract. Moreover, language difference, education and other factors were found to be the reasons why this kind of marriage is rarely the choice. The paper concluded that, just like other kinds of marriage, all these problems can be easily solved with mutual respect and understanding between the couple and their families without resorting to divorce. The study recommends that lawmakers and legal authorities should lay down rules and regulations governing this kind of marriage, especially pertaining to child nursing with a view to achieving the Sharia objective of protecting children (Maqsad An-Nasl), and the dignity of Muslim Women. It also recommends Islamic organization to enhance the awareness of Muslim reverts about Islam in order to minimize the occurrence of apostasy as a way of protecting the objective of religion (Maqsad Ald-Deen). Keywords: Mixed marriage, cultural diversity, Maqasid al-Shariah, Malaysia.    


2011 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 785-802
Author(s):  
Brian D. Shoup

Many post-colonial states use ethnically-based redistribution (EBR) programs to address economic inequalities between dominant minority communities and professedly autochthonous majority communities. Nevertheless, despite considerable efforts such programs have generally failed in terms of advancing the economic status of majorities. In this article I will suggest that EBRs in post-colonial states are not solely intended to ameliorate economic gaps, but rather are also a policy tool used by governing elites to advance a narrative of state ownership, and by extension a decidedly non-liberal notion of democratic citizenship. I explore this claim through an analysis of Malaysia and Fiji, two post-colonial states characterized by persistent asymmetric claims by ethnic majorities who claim legitimacy by virtue of indigenousness. The discussion will focus first on the formation, deployment, and persistence of claims of ethnic hierarchy by professedly indigenous groups. Second, attention will be paid to how such claims are linked to demands for ethnically based redistribution following a direct challenge to extant ethnic hierarchies. Finally, the policies will be assessed both in terms of their stated economic objectives and in terms of their ability to generate a broader sense of autochthonous identity.


Author(s):  
Grace Kim

AbstractEntertainment programming provides a unique opportunity for cancer education, particularly for higher risk racial and ethnic minority groups. Cultural relevancy is key to quality narrative cancer communication, and minorities often prefer media content produced by and featuring members of their own cultural in-group. However, little is known about whether cancer depictions or the television programs they appear in are culturally diverse. Using media content analysis, this study aims to assess the cultural diversity of cancer depictions on primetime scripted television to reveal opportunities to improve cancer education through entertainment. Indicators used to assess cultural diversity at the program level and depiction levels were collected. Out of 111 television programs, 10 (9.01%) programs mentioned cancer, from which 37 cancer depictions were identified. However, the majority of cancer depictions involved White patients and White health providers. Depictions of coping and treatment also dominated with less than 10% of depictions discussing cancer prevention. These patterns reveal a missed opportunity in existing cancer narratives on primetime scripted television and a lack of representation of cultural, social, and environmental factors that affect the health of minority communities, who need to hear these messages the most.


2021 ◽  
pp. 16-23
Author(s):  
Konstantin Lidin

The article examines the concept of glocality in relation to architecture and urban planning. The notion of glocality is proposed as an embodiment of global trends in local forms, taking into account the historical, geographical and cultural characteristics of the given chronotope. The deviation of the balance towards globality leads to unification, erasure of local features and loss of cultural diversity. On the contrary, the predominance of the local aspect leads to "cultural nationalism", separation from the global information space and artistic barrenness.


2016 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 520-541
Author(s):  
Sushmita Nath

In academic writings on multiculturalism in India the “ Shah Bano controversy” (1985–1986) has been a much cited example of the incompatibility between gender equality and cultural diversity. As a response to the Supreme Court’s Shah Bano verdict in 1985, the then Congress-led Indian government introduced the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act, 1986. In this article, I analyze the parliamentary debates on the aforementioned Act in order to examine the dominant normative vocabulary of the Indian state in debating the issue of religious freedom versus demands for democratic citizenship rights. Such an exercise sheds light on how the Indian state has reconciled group-differentiated rights – the legal recognition of Muslim Personal Law in this case – with the liberal democratic principles enshrined in the Constitution of India. The analysis of the parliamentary debates on the Muslim Women’s Bill shows, firstly, that when purportedly incommensurable demands of gender-justice and religious freedom come to an elected deliberative forum, it is not necessary that such demands are resolved through “consensus” or through “negotiation and compromise,” as has been argued by multicultural theorists. Secondly, the analysis of the parliamentary debates also demonstrates that while the proponents of the Bill prioritized group rights at the expense of individual rights, the opponents neglected the concern that vulnerable minority groups should be accorded differential treatment. I thus contend that both the proponents and the opponents of the Muslim Women’s Bill in the Parliament argued in terms of formal equality and lacked arguments based on substantive equality. Finally, I argue that although the Congress government prioritized group rights in the parliamentary debates, it did not give up the ideal of a common civil code, such that the government left the question of accommodating gender-equality concerns unresolved. It was thus left to the judiciary to determine whether to further entrench legal pluralism in the family law of India.


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