scholarly journals The Politics of Peoplehood

2015 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 439-465 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan White ◽  
Lea Ypi

Contemporary political theory has made the question of the “people” a topic of sustained analysis. This article identifies two broad approaches taken—norm-based and contestation-based—and, noting some problems left outstanding, goes on to advance a complementary account centred on partisan practice. It suggests the definition of “the people” is closely bound up in the analysis of political conflict, and that partisans engaged in such conflict play an essential role in constructing and contesting different principled conceptions. The article goes on to show how such an account does not lead to a normatively hollow, purely historical conception of “the people,” but rather highlights the normative importance of practices that, at the minimum, de-naturalise undesirable conceptions of the people and, at their best, give political legitimacy and a representative basis to those one might wish to see prosper.

Author(s):  
Wang Shaoguang

This chapter criticizes the emphasis on privatization, the destruction of the Maoist-style emphasis on social welfare, and the growing gap between rich and poor. It argues that more needs to be done to combat the inequalities generated by capitalist modernization in China. Political legitimacy is not something to be defined by moral philosophers in total abstraction from the political reality. Rather, it is a matter of whether or not a political system faces a crisis of legitimacy depends on whether the people who live there doubt the rightness of its power, and whether they consider it the appropriate system for their country. The chapter ultimately endorses a definition of legitimacy as the legitimacy of the popular will.


Author(s):  
Richard Whatmore

This chapter identifies Jean-Jacques Rousseau as the overwhelming cause of the polarisation of Genevan politics. It was claimed at Geneva and across Europe that Rousseau wanted to replace Christianity with a new religion, purged of the corruption and fakery that he perceived all around him. As one aghast correspondent told Rousseau around 1762, he should either respect ‘the errors of the peoples among whom you live’ or ‘raise the standard of Reformation, and become an Apostle’. The term ‘combustible’ cropped up all the time in discussions of Rousseau, and was applied to his ideas about politics as well as to his view of religion. Rousseau was increasingly accused of seeking to foment a war between aristocrats and democrats. This was widely held to be the end point of his political theory, the necessary prelude to the reformation of commercial societies that he imagined, through the defeat of luxury and the establishment of the sovereignty of the people, as the vital principle of political legitimacy, and as the foundation of a prosperous household economy within an agrarian republic.


2006 ◽  
Vol 100 (1) ◽  
pp. iii-vii

Our cover photo of Hannah Arendt offers respect not only to Arendt in the year of the one-hundredth anniversary of her birth, but also to the first of the trio of political theory articles that lead this issue of the APSR, Patchen Markell's “The Rule of the People: Arendt, Archê, and Democracy.” Markell uses the writings of Arendt, arguably one of the foremost political theorists of the twentieth century, as a window on the debate about what the people “do” to exert power either as rule or against rule in a democracy. Markell proposes a new definition of democratic rule, not as something people “do” but as “an ongoing process of responsiveness to events.” His essay moves beyond providing a fresh interpretation of Arendt's thought to undertake the broader task of presenting a new conceptualization of democratic rule that warrants the attention of anyone interested in the nature and operation of democracy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Claus Offe

The “will of the (national) people” is the ubiquitously invoked reference unit of populist politics. The essay tries to demystify the notion that such will can be conceived of as a unique and unified substance deriving from collective ethnic identity. Arguably, all political theory is concerned with arguing for ways by which citizens can make e pluribus unum—for example, by coming to agree on procedures and institutions by which conflicts of interest and ideas can be settled according to standards of fairness. It is argued that populists in their political rhetoric and practice typically try to circumvent the burden of such argument and proof. Instead, they appeal to the notion of some preexisting existential unity of the people’s will, which they can redeem only through practices of repression and exclusion.


Think India ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 72-83
Author(s):  
Tushar Kadian

Actually, basic needs postulates securing of the elementary conditions of existence to every human being. Despite of the practical and theoretical importance of the subject the greatest irony is non- availability of any universal preliminary definition of the concept of basic needs. Moreover, this becomes the reason for unpredictability of various political programmes aiming at providing basic needs to the people. The shift is necessary for development of this or any other conception. No labour reforms could be made in history till labours were treated as objects. Its only after they were started being treating as subjects, labour unions were allowed to represent themselves in strategy formulations that labour reforms could become a reality. The present research paper highlights the basic needs of Human Rights in life.


Author(s):  
Dinesh Kumar ◽  
Dr. Jyotirmaya Mahapatra

Scholars could not come to unanimity on definition of entrepreneurship but agreement exist that an entrepreneur should be a natural leader having thorough understanding of the business and visualize the changes and take calculated risk. Skills and abilities required for entrepreneurship are so great and numerous that it is difficult to find persons having entrepreneurship trailts. Most of the entrepreneurs either fail at early stages or unable to expand the business beyond a small shop. A successful entrepreneur in addition to being a visionary and possessing qualities like innovativeness, resilience, perseverance etc. should have the honest belief in self and unflinching faith in ‘Karma’ like ‘Rama of Ramayana’ so that he can face the challenges and pursue the goal with limited resources. Religious philosophy helps the people in developing traits useful in life. Holy books like the Ramayana not just deals with spirituality but management principles hidden in it help an individual to develop entrepreneurship skills and role effectiveness. Primarily, Ramayana is a story and pursuit of the Ramayana does not automatically get translated into entrepreneurship qualities as background was quite different than today’s business scenario. However, Rama, a role-model of Gyan-yog and Karm-yog, can be compared with an entrepreneur who started from scraps like entrepreneur but by linking of his goals with social values and following highest standard of ethics, he could make strategic alliances with Sugriva and Vibheeshana and created Ram and Company and inducted less skilled, less equipped but well dedicated Vanar in army and fought against Ravana (the greatest demon) having well equipped army, to make the earth free from devils and liberate Sita and save the dignity of women (social cause). Principles hidden in the Ramayana show holistic vision and, if followed, by an entrepreneur will help him to establish a successful business model.This article is a modest attempt of exploring attributes of Ram and principles/ methodology adopted by him in his fight against Ravana understood through interpretation of stanzas/ verses mentioned in Ramcharit Manas and correlate them with formation of strategy, goal orientation, strategic alliance, change management etc. ideally required by entrepreneurs to establish and grow his business in modern day competitive scenario.


Author(s):  
Hermann Heller

This 1927 work addresses the paradox of sovereignty, that is, how the sovereign can be both the highest authority and subject to law. Unlike Kelsen and Schmitt who seek to dissolve the paradox, this text sees the tensions that the paradox highlights as an essential part of a society ruled by law. Sovereignty, in the sense of national sovereignty, is often perceived in liberal democracies today as being under threat, or at least “in transition,” as power devolves from nation states to international bodies. This threat to national sovereignty is at the same time considered a threat to a different idea of sovereignty, popular sovereignty—the sovereignty of “the people”—as important decisions seem increasingly to be made by institutions outside of a country’s political system or by elite-dominated institutions within. This text was written in 1927 amidst the very similar tensions of the Weimar Republic. In an exploration of history, constitutional and political theory, and international law, it shows that democrats must defend a legal idea of sovereignty suitable for a pluralistic world.


Author(s):  
Takis S. Pappas

Based on an original definition of modern populism as “democratic illiberalism” and many years of meticulous research, Takis Pappas marshals extraordinary empirical evidence from Argentina, Greece, Peru, Italy, Venezuela, Ecuador, Hungary, the United States, Spain, and Brazil to develop a comprehensive theory about populism. He addresses all key issues in the debate about populism and answers significant questions of great relevance for today’s liberal democracy, including: • What is modern populism and how can it be differentiated from comparable phenomena like nativism and autocracy? • Where in Latin America has populism become most successful? Where in Europe did it emerge first? Why did its rise to power in the United States come so late? • Is Trump a populist and, if so, could he be compared best with Venezuela’s Chávez, France’s Le Pens, or Turkey’s Erdoğan? • Why has populism thrived in post-authoritarian Greece but not in Spain? And why in Argentina and not in Brazil? • Can populism ever succeed without a charismatic leader? If not, what does leadership tell us about how to challenge populism? • Who are “the people” who vote for populist parties, how are these “made” into a group, and what is in their minds? • Is there a “populist blueprint” that all populists use when in power? And what are the long-term consequences of populist rule? • What does the expansion, and possibly solidification, of populism mean for the very nature and future of contemporary democracy? Populism and Liberal Democracy will change the ways the reader understands populism and imagines the prospects of liberal democracy.


1916 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 437-464 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harold J. Laski

“Of political principles,” says a distinguished authority, “whether they be those of order or of freedom, we must seek in religious and quasi-theological writings for the highest and most notable expressions.” No one, in truth, will deny the accuracy of this claim for those ages before the Reformation transferred the centre of political authority from church to state. What is too rarely realised is the modernism of those writings in all save form. Just as the medieval state had to fight hard for relief from ecclesiastical trammels, so does its modern exclusiveness throw the burden of a kindred struggle upon its erstwhile rival. The church, intelligibly enough, is compelled to seek the protection of its liberties lest it become no more than the religious department of an otherwise secular society. The main problem, in fact, for the political theorist is still that which lies at the root of medieval conflict. What is the definition of sovereignty? Shall the nature and personality of those groups of which the state is so formidably one be regarded as in its gift to define? Can the state tolerate alongside itself churches which avow themselves societates perfectae, claiming exemption from its jurisdiction even when, as often enough, they traverse the field over which it ploughs? Is the state but one of many, or are those many but parts of itself, the one?


2021 ◽  
Vol 79 (3) ◽  
pp. 119-123
Author(s):  
BUYANOVA LYUDMILA YU. ◽  
◽  
GUKASOVA ERA M. ◽  

The features of linguistic conceptualization and representation of traditional confessional and cultural values in the linguocultural space of various societies are analyzed from ethnocultural, cognitive, socio-mental and linguo-confessional positions; identifies and characterizes constant and newest transformations and modifications of the denotative-semantic content of the most important concepts in the Russian and European mentality in the modern conditions of globalization. The theoretical significance lies in the presentation of a sharp socio-cultural "gap" in the definition of some confessional-conditioned phenomena in the Russian and Western cultural-historical traditions; in the representation of the mental and semantic transformation of some confessional value concepts in the Western linguocultural space while preserving, at the same time, the inviolability of the most important categorical and semantic features of the nominations of traditional axiological dominants in Russian culture as the foundations of the life of Russian society and Russian statehood as a whole. It is concluded that the linguistic representation of confessional-conditioned cultural values and their consolidation in the confessional memory of generations is a special mechanism for preserving the ethnocultural and spiritual identity of the people. It is shown that the so-called. “Cultural” globalization as an extralinguistic factor is currently in Western societies a process of gradual destruction of national, traditional and confessional values, which results in a significant change in semantics, denotative image and semantic code in the interpretation of some linguistic phenomena that represent the national axiological fund. The practical value of the presented material and observations lies in the possibility of its application in the practice of teaching university courses in language theory, ethnolinguistics, sociolinguistics, cultural linguistics, linguoconfessionology and intercultural communication.


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