‘All the Olympians: A Thing Never Known Again’? Reflections on Irish Football Culture and the 1994 World Cup Finals

1996 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-126 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Giulianotti

Utilising fieldwork with Irish fans, and interviews with leading Irish journalists and football officials, this article examines five major themes surrounding USA ‘94 for the Irish: i) the cultural and ethnic symbiosis of Ireland with the USA; ii) aspects of the political economics behind the United States’ allocation of the Finals; iii) the Irish supporters‘ culture of ‘carnivalesque’, and any internal changes involved; iv) the possible impacts of USA '94 on soccer culture in Ireland, particularly in playing style; v) the possible future inter-relations of soccer and Irish civil society.

2005 ◽  
Vol 8 (36) ◽  
pp. 67-73
Author(s):  
Scot M Peterson

The penitentiary in the United States of America originated as a religious institution. Its roots lie in the belief that inmates could reform if they were given an opportunity to engage in reflection, prayer, Bible-reading and work, thus establishing a new personal foundation for functioning as productive members of the larger society. Not surprisingly, given American's predilection for maintaining a secular civil society, this original foundation for the prison eventually fell from favour, and American penological theories became more sociological or psychological in nature. The fact remains, however, that society in the United States is broadly religious, and prisons continue to address the religious beliefs of inmates and how to accommodate those beliefs in a penological setting. This comment provides a case study on this topic, based on littigation concerning the provision of kosher food to Orthodox inmates in the prisons in Colorado.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-30
Author(s):  
Lance Taylor

A “global saving glut” was invented by Ben Bernanke in 2005 as a label for positive net lending (imports exceeding exports) to the American economy by the rest of the world. This trading situation had already emerged around 1980, and led to the Plaza Accord in 1985. One common explanation is based on the Mundell-Fleming IS/LM/BP model. But this model cannot be valid, since the “BP” equation is not independent of “IS.” Other champions of this saving glut hypothesis rely on loanable funds theory, which is institutionally inadequate. More plausible analyses of the persistent trade imbalance can be derived from a two-country IS/LM set-up devised by Wynne Godley, a Kaleckian description of the political economy of East Asia and the United States, and dissection of the terms of trade due to W. Arthur Lewis and Luigi Pasinetti.


1973 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chadwick F. Alger

Reports on the United Nations by three United States groups, the Commission to Study the Organization of Peace, the President's Commission, and the United Nations Association of the USA, are summarized and compared. They reveal informed concern about United States participation in the UN at a time when Congress and the executive exhibit negativism and neglect. Conclusions are drawn on (1) differing priorities for the UN system and their interdependence, (2) the special capabilities of the United States for setting examples, (3) alternative models for UN problem solving, (4) United States contributions to the UN, and (5) generating political will for creative United States involvement in the UN. Concern is expressed about efforts to cut United States assessments for UN budgets and failure of the reports to adequately consider the political consequences of the fact that “maintenance of international peace and security” is not considered the most important UN task by all members. If congressional and executive neglect are to be overcome, public participation and involvement must be extended.


2010 ◽  
Vol 43 (01) ◽  
pp. 164-165 ◽  
Author(s):  
John E. Moore

Stan Anderson died unexpectedly while out for an afternoon walk on May 26, 2009. If I set out to design a model civil society, Stan would be my model citizen. At every nexus in the life of a community—family, friends, workplace, and civic institutions—Stan's instincts were to care and to contribute. For 30 years a member of the political science faculty at the Santa Barbara campus of the University of California, he was a leading authority on, and advocate for, American applications of the (Scandinavian) office of ombudsman. If that term for an official who handles citizens' complaints is no longer foreign in the United States, it is largely because of Stan Anderson.


Daedalus ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 149 (3) ◽  
pp. 170-184
Author(s):  
Jonathan A. Jacobs

Central values of Judaism and the historical experience of Jews are sources of strong Jewish support for democracy, especially in the United States, where Jews did not have to wait for citizenship and rights to be conferred on them – and possibly withdrawn. Judaism is strongly committed to the political order in the United States and to the pluralistic, dynamic civil society it helps make possible. Jews have the freedoms that others have, and those freedoms resonate with fundamental Jewish values in ways that matter even to nonpracticing Jews. Moreover, there are reasons to regard the Constitution's nonestablishment neutrality as comparing very favorably with a notion of public reason as a political approach to the question of state and church relations. Neutrality does not impose upon or require bracketing of individuals' constitutive commitments and their conceptions of what matters most integrally to them. Public reason is vulnerable to that troubling possibility.


Author(s):  
Elena Efanova

Introduction. In the age of digitalization of the public space of communication, social media acts as a new channel of interaction between power and society. On the one hand, electronic forms of public communication formulate a political course and influence the political behavior of the electorate, and on the other hand, replace mass communication by a network. Twitter’s technological capabilities, being an electronic form of public communication, are addressed by representatives of the political elite in the USA. Methods and materials. The work uses network and communicative approaches, methods of situational analysis. The author addresses statistics and Twitter accounts of American politicians. Analysis. As a result of the computerization and the global spread of the Internet, social media has become an integral part of modern politics. The social network Twitter acts as a new communicative practice in the system of public administration of the USA. For President D. Trump, Twitter is an effective source and platform for presenting his position on domestic and foreign policy issues. Results. Twitter, being an interactive Internet platform based on the principles of network communication, is part of Twitter diplomacy implemented in the United States. The politicization of Twitter in the United States is targeted and ensures the interaction of the highest authorities and the electorate. Twitters functionality is used in modern American politics to shape the image characteristics of individual politicians and the country as a whole.


Author(s):  
A. I. Podberezkin ◽  
J. Y. Parshkova

The article analyses the political and military aspects of progress in the dialogue between Russia and the U.S./NATO on cooperation in missile defense; investigates the past experiences and current state of cooperation between Russia and the Alliance on missile defense issues; examines the technical features of American missile defence systems today; finds a solution to question whether or not the European Missile Defence Program actually threatens Russia's nuclear deterrent and strategic stability in general; identifies both potential benefits and possible losses for Russia stemming from the development of cooperation with the United States and NATO in countering ballistic missile threats, or from refusal to have such cooperation. Evidently, the initiative of creation of a missile defense in Europe surely belongs to the USA. Washington has enormous technological, financial, economic, military and institutional capabilities in the field of a missile defense, exceeding by far other NATO member-states. In February 2010, the President of the United States B. Obama adopted a project "European Phased Adaptive Approach" (EPAA) as an alternative to G. Bush's global strategic missile defense plan. The first two stages of the Phased Adaptive Approach are focused on creating a system capable of intercepting small, medium and intermediate-range ballistic missiles. The possibility of intercepting long-range missiles is postponed to the third (2018) and forth phases (2020). Moscow finds especially troublesome the third and the fourth phases of Washington's project of creating a European segment of the global antiballistic missile system, considering prospective capabilities of the U.S. interceptor missiles 61 and the envisioned areas of their deployment. The U.S. counter-evidence is that phase four interceptors do not exist yet. Russia insists on getting the political and legal guarantees from the U.S. and NATO that their missile defense systems will not slash the efficiency of Russian nuclear deterrence forces.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ambreen Sikander, Dr. Rubab Hasan

Afghanistan has been a battleground to the world’s largest powers. From USSR to NATO, through the Taliban, and now to the peace deal, Afghanistan holds a remarkable and yet chaotic history. Amidst the wars, some have succeeded for a limited time while others have failed. NATO has a history with Afghanistan after the 9/11 attacks in the USA. The crucial matter is how to guarantee that states budding from divergence are set with the basics on which to assemble a robust peace. The keen and incisive analysis in serenity and the Public Purse provides a precious involvement to this attempt. This article provides an analysis of the post-9/11 period and the invasion of Afghanistan by U.S. forces, focusing on the ethnic origin of the native fighters and how assorted groups engaged in dissimilar aspects of the divergence. Furthermore, this learning also highlighted the United States grasp for Afghan civil society, promotes amplified admiration for human rights, helps to fight the prohibited trade in narcotics, and continues to endow with noteworthy humanitarian uphold. The United States has owed approximately $29 billion in civilian aid for Afghanistan and the perspective of U.S. policy headed for Afghanistan cannot be in point of truth assessed exclusively of a nearer estimation of Afghanistan’s existing and emergent security, political, and economic landscapes—and their collision on U.S. strategic aims.


2004 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
James E. Goggin

Interest in the fate of the German psychoanalysts who had to flee Hitler's Germany and find refuge in a new nation, such as the United States, has increased. The ‘émigré research’ shows that several themes recur: (1) the theme of ‘loss’ of one's culture, homeland, language, and family; and (2) the ambiva-lent welcome these émigrés received in their new country. We describe the political-social-cultural context that existed in the United States during the 1930s, 1940s and 1950s. Documentary evidence found in the FBI files of three émigré psychoanalysts, Clara Happel, Martin Grotjahn, and Otto Fenichel, are then presented in combination with other source material. This provides a provisional impression of how each of these three individuals experienced their emigration. As such, it gives us elements of a history. The FBI documents suggest that the American atmosphere of political insecurity and fear-based ethnocentric nationalism may have reinforced their old fears of National Socialism, and contributed to their inclination to inhibit or seal off parts of them-selves and their personal histories in order to adapt to their new home and become Americanized. They abandoned the rich social, cultural, political tradition that was part of European psychoanalysis. Finally, we look at these elements of a history in order to ask a larger question about the appropriate balance between a liberal democratic government's right to protect itself from internal and external threats on the one hand, or crossover into the blatant invasion of civil rights and due process on the other.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document