Political Culture and Democracy

2011 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-113 ◽  
Author(s):  
Taras Kuzio

The 2004 Orange Revolution and election of opposition candidate Viktor Yushchenko, who had a stellar reputation in previous positions as National Bank Chairman and Prime Minister, was viewed as a new era in Ukrainian politics, ushering in deep seated reforms and a battle against corruption. Five years on, his opponent, Viktor Yanukovych, whose election in 2004 was annulled over election fraud, replaced him as President. The failure of the Yushchenko presidency to implement the majority of the hopes placed in it by millions of voters and protestors, specifically to decisively change the manner in which politics and economics are undertaken, is a good opportunity to analyse why Ukraine is a difficult country, an immobile state, in which to undertake change of any type. Yanukovych’s first year in office points to Ukraine undergoing a regression from the only tangible benefit to have emerged from “orange” rule; namely, democratization, media freedom, and free elections.

1998 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 495-510 ◽  
Author(s):  
ROBERT TOMBS

Queen Victoria, her court, the embassy in Paris, the prime minister, and the press, led by The Times, were early and impassioned sympathizers with Alfred Dreyfus and bitter critics of his persecutors. This article traces the development of their views and the information available to them, analyses the principal themes as they saw them, and attempts to explain how and why they formed their opinions. It considers why the Dreyfusard position was so congenial to them. It argues that their own principles and prejudices – conservative, patriotic, Anglo-Saxon, and Protestant – were confirmed by a critique of French political culture, seen as corrupted by a combined heritage of absolutism, revolution, Catholicism, and demagoguery. This appears to be confirmed by contrast with the few dissenting voices in Britain, on one hand Catholic and Irish, on the other, anti-Semitic socialist, who showed little sympathy with the Dreyfusards, and even less with the views of their British supporters.


Author(s):  
William Outhwaite

The issue of migration bridges the divide between short-term and long-term explanations of Brexit.Short-term explanations stress the drift toward a referendum in British politics, the opportunistic miscalculation by a playboy prime minister, and the manipulation of the referendum vote by a grotesquely biased press and some of the same conspiratorial forces which secured Trump’s election. Longer-term explanations point to historical differences between the UK and (the rest of) Europe; the fact that the UK escaped defeat and occupation in World War Two; the distinctive legal system shared by England, Wales, and Northern Ireland (though not Scotland); and the UK’s majoritarian political culture. This chapter discusses in a comparative context. The contribution of a migration crisis to the UK’s EU membership and constitutional .


2013 ◽  
Vol 31 (15_suppl) ◽  
pp. 7038-7038
Author(s):  
Muhit Ozcan ◽  
Bengi Ozturk ◽  
Mehmet Ozen ◽  
Pervin Topcuoglu ◽  
Mutlu Arat ◽  
...  

7038 Background: In this retrospective study we aimed to evaluate the rates and the clinical outcomes of allo-HSCT in CML following the advent of TKIs. Methods: We compared the transplantations (Txs) performed prior to 2002 (old era), the first year of TKIs, with the Txs during and after 2002 (new era). Results: Between 1989 and 2012 inour Tx unit a total of 189 allo-HSCTs were performed in 185 CML patients (second Tx for 4 patients). The ratio of Tx for CML among the whole Tx group decreased from 40 % to 12 % after 2002. The ratio also dropped to less than 5 % after 2008 and increased again to 15% in 2012. Time from diagnosis to Tx was longer in the old era than in the new era (9.2 months vs 15.4 months, p<.0001). The ratio of patients with advanced disease (accelerated or blastic phase) was higher in the new era. Although the progression free survival (PFS) was shorter in the new era than in the old era (median 13.8 months vs 37.1 months, p=0.09), overall survival, Tx outcomes and survival curves did not change. Conclusions: AlloHSCT rates sharply decreased after the TKIs, but a slight increase in recent years have been observed compatible with the TKI’s failure in years. Despite the fact that patients who underwent allo HSCT in the new era had more challenging disease biologically, overall survival was not affected possibly due to post-Tx interventions such as use of TKI alone or with donor lymphocyte infusion. [Table: see text]


2014 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stuart Lister

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore the role of Police and Crime Panels (PCPs) within the new constitutional arrangements for governing police forces in England and Wales. Design/methodology/approach – Desktop research of the web pages of PCPs, combined with documentary analysis of reports of panel meetings and a literature review of relevant academic materials. Findings – During the first year of their operation the role of the PCP in the new constitutional arrangements for governing police forces in England and Wales has been widely criticised. This paper explores reasons that may impinge on the effectiveness of these local bodies to scrutinise how Police and Crime Commissioners discharge their statutory functions. In particular, it draws attention to the limited powers of the panel, the contradictions of the “critical/friend” model of scrutiny, the extent of political alignment between “the scrutinisers” and “the scrutinee”, and the ability of the latter to constrain the scrutiny function of the former. Originality/value – This paper is the first to explore the scrutiny role of PCPs in the context of the research evidence regarding the development and use of scrutiny within the local government context.


2012 ◽  
Vol 45 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 65-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jane L. Curry ◽  
Doris Göedl

The Serbian Revolution of 2000, Georgian Rose Revolution of 2003, and Ukrainian Orange Revolution of 2004 are examined from the perspective of both the causes of popular engagement and the elite interaction. The authors argue that the model of Electoral Revolutions based on democracy promotion from outside and election fraud as a trigger for action does not fully explain either what brought people to the streets or why there was not a clear move to democratization in these cases. Instead, they show that corruption, failed administration, and state weakness were the triggers, that the opposition politicians were from the old administration, that people were repeating what they had done before in demonstrating, and that the mass movements did not result in the growth of civil society, increased popular engagement, or (on their own) significant democratization.


Author(s):  
John Dunlay

Power and process heat uses in the Citrus Processing Industry provide a good opportunity for achieving fuel savings by means of cogeneration. This paper considers cogeneration possibilities using a diesel engine. Following a review of available engine types, a representative diesel cogeneration system configuration is established based on a 4150-kW medium-speed diesel engine burning residual oil. Heat recovery is described from the engine exhaust gas, the charge air cooler, and the cylinder cooler. At full engine load, the fuel savings associated with this recovered heat are equivalent to about 22 × 106 Btu/hr. The resulting cogeneration heat rate is 3990 Btu/kWh, compared to a typical electric utility heat rate of 10,000 Btu/kWh. Economic analysis indicates that the first year pre-tax simple payback for the overall cogeneration system is approximately 5 years. Paper published with permission.


Significance A fragmented parliament and party policy divisions mean there are no straightforward government coalition options. Some of the six parties with fewer than ten seats are likely to be involved in any new government line-up, as Spain's now-four substantial parties will find it hard to produce a government among themselves. Impacts Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy's leadership of the PP may be coming to an end. The PP is the party least suited to the new era of coalition politics: adapting will be a challenge for it. Podemos' strong showing in Catalonia and the Basque Country will force pro-independence parties there to reconsider their positions. Even if other parties agreed on constitutional reform, the PP's majority in the Senate could block it. Uncertainty about the next government and reform prospects will hit international confidence and could push up debt-servicing costs.


Significance Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and US Secretary of State Rex Tillerson’s agreement in Ankara to work together has reduced the possibility of a clash between Turkish and US forces in Syria. Almost simultaneously, German Chancellor Angela Merkel and Turkish Prime Minister Binali Yildirim announced in Berlin a new era in Turkish-German relations, a change confirmed by the release of a German newspaper correspondent in Turkey, after a year in prison on spying charges. Impacts The Trump administration will now speed up appointing a new ambassador to Ankara. Turkey will continue to woo German business and investors. The application of diplomatic pressure to release detained foreign journalists may influence how they operate in Turkey in future. Improved relations abroad will enable Erdogan to tighten his grip at home.


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (6) ◽  
pp. 812-830
Author(s):  
Kay Richardson

Abstract Back in 2009, the Labour British Prime Minister Gordon Brown was attacked for “bad spelling” in a condolence letter written personally by him to the mother of a soldier who died in combat, and publicised by The Sun newspaper. “Spelling” here acts as a leveller of hierarchical differences in the national political culture, with ruler and subject both publicly disciplined by the same standard language ideology. Previous research on orthography as social practice has tended to focus on deliberate manipulation of fixed spellings; this article extends the approach to unconventional spellings that have come about ‘by mistake’, and also widens it, to consider aspects of orthography other than spelling, focusing on the look of the Prime Minister’s handwriting. At issue, semiotically, are meanings such as ‘the personal touch’ and ‘respect’.


2021 ◽  
pp. 217-224
Author(s):  
Michael Llewellyn-Smith

Venizelos's arrived in Athens in early September 1910. He addressed the people in a major speech in Constitution Square, making clear that he would work with the King, since 'crowned democracy' best fitted the political culture of the Greek people. He looked to the King to lead the reform program. He announced that he would create a new political party from like-minded people committed to new and liberal ideas. For the rest he condemned the failures of the old political world, over emigration, security, agriculture and industry, indeed across the board, and promised better. The speech quickly acquired mythical status, partly for the forthright way in which he squashed hecklers who cried out for fundamental changes in the constitution (i.e. affecting the prerogatives of the Crown). He defended limited constitutional changes. Foreign affairs hardly featured. This debut was rapidly followed by his appointment as prime minister, following the failure of the old party leaders to pick up the baton, and by his confirmation through new elections which gave him the desired majority in parliament. This was a brilliant start to his political career in Greece.


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