scholarly journals India in the Emergent Multipolar World Order: Dynamics and Strategic Challenges

2020 ◽  
Vol 76 (1) ◽  
pp. 8-23
Author(s):  
Veena Kukreja

India has a middle power status and a rising power mindset. The emerging multipolar world manifests opportunities as well as challenges to India’s foreign policy. The newness quotient is Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s ‘economy first’ approach rooted in his desire to create external conditions necessary to ensure domestic economic progress. He has displayed dynamism while engaging all major powers, promoting and reintegrating India with the global economy, promoting greater cooperation with South Asian neighbours and renewing strategic connections in the Indian Ocean, the Middle East, Central Asia and Africa. Pragmatism in India’s foreign policy is seen in Indo–US relations reaching a new level or in cooperation with China on climate change while opposing its territorial claims in the South China Sea and One Belt One Road Project. To counter China, India has sought close strategic partnerships with the USA and its allies and main partners in Asia-Pacific while retaining its strategic autonomy. A major challenge to India’s foreign policy is the downward spiral of relations with Pakistan.

Author(s):  
Anatoliy Khudoliy

The article deals with American-Chinese and American-Indian relationships in the 21st century. The researcher focused on political, military and economic aspects of cooperation between Washington and Beijing, Washington and New Deli over the last few years of the twenty-first century. The author of the article has analyzed major tendencies of development of American-Chinese relationships in the context of bilateral cooperation during the presidency of Barack Obama and Donald Trump. The economic and security activities of China, oriented to a strengthening of leadership positions of Beijing, as a key actor, in the regional policy were detailed. Along with it, the author shifted attention to Washington priorities in bilateral relations considering its pragmatic purposes and national interests which considerably influence foreign policy course of the United States. Despite close relations between the USA and the People’s Republic of China, there are factors that set limits for the strategic partnerships between the two countries. The author analyzed not only foreign policy of the United States but also the foreign policy strategy of China that hides interventionism behind the economic policy, trade, economic activity and projects such as ‘One belt, one road’. Some cases of conflict situations between China and its neighbors are analyzed in order to highlight problems. The author analyzed definite political and economic steps made by President Trump in order to strengthen American positions and regional security. Under the support of Washington, India, Japan, and Australia play more important roles as regional actors. India’s role in the regional confrontation between the United States and China is well depicted. Since 2017 India increased its positions in exporting goods and services to the United States, which is one of the main markets after China and the EU. Nevertheless, the USA is still a key player in the region. So, developing trade, financial and military relations, the USA is attempting not only to preserve, but also to strengthen its own positions in the Asia-Pacific and, as a result, to contain China.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 215-218
Author(s):  
Stanislav Gennadyevich Malkin

The following paper deals with methodological features of studying of empires legacy role in policy of the leading powers in the countries of the third world through a prism of asymmetric conflicts historical modeling. The author pays special attention to the role of Great Britain and the USA foreign policy course defining after World War II during Cold War in the second half of the 20th century and Global War on Terror at the beginning of the 21st century. The author pays attention to methodological traps (such as the probability of the research problem on the given variable and terminological confusion) as well as to research opportunities which are opened by such approach in the field of the historical and political analysis (for example, evolution of the international relations theory and practice in the conditions of the world order transformation after World War II). Special attention is given to the value of such methodological reception as asymmetric conflicts historical modeling in expert estimates of the leading powers foreign policy. The paper also deals with the role of expert community and academic expertize as an important component of that analytical operation which is carried out within historical simulation of the asymmetrical conflicts.


2021 ◽  
pp. 7-27
Author(s):  
Natalia Lapina ◽  

Since joining the current stage of globalization, France has changed considerably. Shifts occurred in all spheres of society, but they were not synchronous. The most dynamic area – the economy-was the fastest to «react» to France's entry into the global economy. In the social sphere, the changes were slower than in the economy, but they were very profound: they affected the working class, employees, and the middle classes, which were numerically reduced and fragmented. In the mid-1990 s, France's foreign policy began to adapt to the new world order that emerged as a result of the collapse of the USSR. This forced the French political class to reconsider its foreign policy attitudes and «to make lower its ambitions». By the second decade of the twenty-first century, the political landscape of the country had changed: traditional parties had collapsed, and radical populist parties and movements («Unconquered France» of J.-L. Melenchon and «National Union» of M. Le Pen) had become stronger on the left and right flanks. Against the background of these large-scale changes, social protest movements have emerged and intensified in France; the split between society and the elites has acquired unprecedented proportions. To these trends and phenomena, the coronavirus pandemic has been added, which poses a huge number of problems for the country's authorities to solve.


Author(s):  
Dionysis Markakis

This chapter assesses whether and how India is developing into a rising power in the Persian Gulf. Dionysis Markakis approaches India’s reconnection with the region in terms of ‘middle power theory’ and disaggregates the dominant economic, sociocultural, and military drivers of Indian policies in the Persian Gulf. Markakis suggests that India is still attempting to carve out its niche in the international system and that multiple factors lie behind its reticence to engage proactively in regional and world affairs. These include the strong element of multilateral alignment that runs through Indian foreign policy as well as domestic institutional weaknesses within the structure of Indian government itself. For Markakis, a primary challenge for Indian policymakers is how to outline a more proactive, rather than reactive, approach to foreign policy and the conception and exercise of power.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kamchat Zhumabaeva ◽  
Marzhan Sapanova

The article deals with some issues of periodization of China's foreign policy, political traditions and modern foreign policy concepts of China in the relations of Central Asian countries. The authors define the foreign policy priorities of the People’s Republic of China from ancient times to the present. Traditionally, China deals with conflicts through informal mechanisms of reconciliation and consent, as close as possible to the form of discussion. The fundamental principles of Confucianism, projected on the system of relations between China and the outside world, "vertical connections" in international relations, which characterized from the highest to the lowest. Under Mao Zedong, the Chinese leadership developed a foreign policy of independence and self-reliance, aimed at combating foreign interference and hegemony. Today, China is becoming the center of a dynamically developing region of the Asia-Pacific region. In addition, China has a reliable geopolitical base to play the role of a natural center of attraction for the surrounding countries and peoples, which in addition to the countries of East Asia include South Asian and Central Asian countries. In the new world order, an ethnic communitycementedthe formation of "Greater China" is understood as economic unity.


2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Munim Kumar Barai

The world is passing through a crossroad as the multipolarity in the world order is now a distinctive possibility in the 21st Century. In that emergence, the center of global economic gravity is seemingly moving toward the Asia Pacific zone. The USA, the sole superpower in the present order, is increasingly facing challenges from China, Russia and other rising powers like India and Brazil. The success of the EU as an economic and political experiment will determine its role in the future context. This paper tries to assess a place for South Asia as a unit in the 21 century global order and finds a number of persisting problems like poverty, population, corruption, poor quality of education, disruptive political discourse, weak democratic governance, indiscipline, religious and ethnic tensions that impede their future progress. At the same time, the paper sees immense future potentials for South with their growing economies, demographics, diversity, diasporas, IT knowledge, and dynamism. However, the Indo-centric geographic identity of South Asia is both a problem as well as a promise. This paper argues that to reap the benefits of commonality, they need to approach their future collectively and cohesively.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (11) ◽  
pp. 2180-2198
Author(s):  
A.M. Chernysheva

Subject. As the world becomes more multipolar, global leaders change their approaches to capture the areas they dominate. Currently, advocates of the Western and Eastern models clash, with the latter demonstrating a greater efficiency. Objectives. I examine the foreign trade of the countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, including South Africa, assuming that the region's countries are teetering on the edge of the Western and Eastern approaches to determining the domination area of the leading country. Methods. The study is based on the systems approach, comparative and statistical methods for reviewing exports and imports of Sub-Saharan Africa, illustrating the case of South Africa. Results. As the global economy currently develops, the multipolar world and its emergence are showed to gain momentum, with Sub-Saharan Africa actively diversifying their foreign trade. I mention the way the USA, EU, China, India and Russia influence the region and evaluate development trends in south Africa's exports and imports, setting their further development trend. Notwithstanding the noticeable impact of the USA, Sub-Saharan Africa establish regional alliances and tend to follow the course of other States, with China becoming increasingly important. Conclusions and Relevance. Transforming the world order into the multipolar format, the third-world countries should diversify their foreign trade, following multiple vectors in their economic policy, thus ensuring their own economic security and an opportunity to raise their significance regionally and internationally.


2020 ◽  
Vol 96 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-129 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dewi Fortuna Anwar

Abstract Indonesia has taken a leadership role within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in drafting a common outlook on the Indo-Pacific concept. The widening of Indonesia's geostrategic canvas from the Asia–Pacific to the Indo-Pacific is in line with President Joko Widodo's intent to make Indonesia a Global Maritime Fulcrum (GMF). In view of the rivalry between the US and China and the emergence of various Indo-Pacific initiatives from other countries, Indonesia believes that ASEAN must try to maintain its centrality. The draft of Indonesia's perspective for an ASEAN outlook on the Indo-Pacific: towards a peaceful, prosperous, and inclusive region was submitted for considerations by ASEAN, and after 18 months of intensive lobbying by Indonesia the concept was finally adopted at the ASEAN Summit in June 2019. The ASEAN outlook promotes the principles of openness, inclusiveness, transparency, respect for international law and ASEAN centrality in the Indo-Pacific region. It proposes a building-block approach, seeking commonalities between existing regional initiatives in which ASEAN-led mechanisms will act as a fulcrum for both norm-setting and concrete cooperation. Rather than creating a new regional architecture, the East Asia Summit (EAS) is proposed as the platform for advancing the Indo-Pacific discourse and cooperation. Indonesia's ASEAN outlook on the Indo-Pacific marks its renewed foreign policy activism as a middle power and underlines the continuing importance that Indonesia places on ASEAN as the cornerstone of its foreign policy, emphasising ASEAN's centrality as the primary vehicle for managing relations with the major powers in the Indo-Pacific region.


2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (8) ◽  
pp. 41-50
Author(s):  
A. Fedorovskii ◽  
V. Shvydko

The article explores new policies related to security and economic development as represented by the cases of the Republic of Korea and Japan. It assesses combination of old and new internal and external challenges to security, economic development, and social stability, noting the increased interplay of factors affecting national security and innovative growth. The latter is increasingly viewed as an indispensable condition for military, political and social security of a nation, for effectively responding to external pressures as well as to ecological, epidemiological and technology-related risks. Rising technological capabilities in the two Northeast Asian nations contribute to their international ambitions. The authors analyze the tendency in the Republic of Korea to pursue a more independent foreign policy as a “middle power”, and Japan’s growing international and military profile in the Asia Pacific. The risks and possible future consequences of this trend are explored and assessed. The authors identify the priorities of the Republic of Korea’s development strategy within the framework of the “Korean New Deal”, and a new vision of the future of Japan as presented in the strategic documents of its government. They note greater aspirations of the two nations to increase their competitive edge in the regional and global race to reach and retain leading positions in the international hierarchy of economic and political power. New tools to ensure this edge are being tested by South Korean and Japanese governments, as old instruments of industrial policy seem to be losing strength and produce little effect. Acknowledgements. This paper was written as part of the research project “Post-Crisis World Order: Challenges and Technologies, Competition and Cooperation” under the grant of the Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation for conducting major scientific projects in priority areas of scientific and technological development (Agreement No. 075-15-2020-783).


2018 ◽  
pp. 83-90
Author(s):  
Anatoly Tkach

The article analyzes the priorities of the Obama’s administration in the region and the Latin American states actions in rebuilding the existing system of relations at the global and regional levels. The current financial and economic crisis has shown the need for changes in the economic world order, financial system, which was formed in the end of the Second World War, where the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank (WB) play a key role. For many decades developing countries were rather an object of economic expansion than serious actors in the world economy.In the article features of foreign policy of the USA of relatively Latin America are examined in the article; the conceptual providing of foreign policy is analysed the USA, the comparative analysis of foreign policy of administrations of presidents of relatively Latin America is carried out, the detailed analysis of influence of foreign-policy course of the USA is presented, the basic factors of forming of new foreign policy the USA of relatively Latin America are found out. Purpose of the research: External U.S. Relations with Latin America and the Caribbean under the Barack Obama Administration. The article of analysis is includes resolution of long duration aims and corporate strategic planning taking into account correlation of application in space and in time of necessary resources, as activity of the American state that is sent to determination and achievement of long-term aims in a region by means of corresponding facilities. Without belittling the importance of not denying the «national roots» the origin of these crises can not be ignored or underestimated the fact that the development of Latin America in previous decades influenced deep region in the processes of global integration with its «distortions» and instability, with increasingly the apparent inability of international institutions. The main mechanisms for implementation of the USA foreign policy strategy objectives are LAC, bilateral relations with main European countries and USA as well as crisis management. The work ascertains the limited effectiveness of multilateral instruments for the achievement of strategic objectives of the LAC foreign policy. LAC represents one of the power centers of the multipolar world in LAC strategy, but in this regard, has to possess proper political and military mechanism for regulation of international relations. LAC suggested a lot of proposals and projects in the field of crisis management under B.Obama presidency, but its initiatives did not receive proper support in the LAC.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document