scholarly journals Methodological features of asymmetric conflicts historical modeling studying

2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 215-218
Author(s):  
Stanislav Gennadyevich Malkin

The following paper deals with methodological features of studying of empires legacy role in policy of the leading powers in the countries of the third world through a prism of asymmetric conflicts historical modeling. The author pays special attention to the role of Great Britain and the USA foreign policy course defining after World War II during Cold War in the second half of the 20th century and Global War on Terror at the beginning of the 21st century. The author pays attention to methodological traps (such as the probability of the research problem on the given variable and terminological confusion) as well as to research opportunities which are opened by such approach in the field of the historical and political analysis (for example, evolution of the international relations theory and practice in the conditions of the world order transformation after World War II). Special attention is given to the value of such methodological reception as asymmetric conflicts historical modeling in expert estimates of the leading powers foreign policy. The paper also deals with the role of expert community and academic expertize as an important component of that analytical operation which is carried out within historical simulation of the asymmetrical conflicts.

Author(s):  
Tony Smith

This chapter examines Woodrow Wilson's comprehensive program for world order that came to constitute the foundation of liberal democratic internationalism, also known as Wilsonianism. Wilson's policy, designed “to make the world safe for democracy,” was not a radical departure from traditional American national security policy. His proposals to restructure world politics on the basis of a liberal world order were consistent with basic propositions of past American foreign policy. The chapter first considers the theory and practice underlying Wilsonianism before discussing the dilemma of Wilson's policy in Europe. It also explores the virtues of Wilsonianism for the postwar world, such as its acknowledgment of the fundamental political importance of nationalism. Finally, it emphasizes the resurgence of Wilsonianism in American foreign policy in the aftermath of World War II.


Author(s):  
Alexander A. Plashchinsky

The article views the process of formation of the USA foreign policy strategy as being an instrument of establishing a new world order in the aftermath of World War II. An array of information, which consists of numerous sources in English, has been introduced into the scientific circulation of Belarusian political science and translated by the author himself. These are USA foreign policy documents, archival materials, memoirs, specialised periodicals, etc. Based on system analysis of this information, the key factors that determined the formation of the USA global strategy have been identified and analysed. Among them are the following ones: military, strategic, economic, political, nuclear, messianic, personal, factor of external threat («image of enemy »), geopolitical. The medium and long-term goals of the USA foreign policy strategy in Eurasia have been identified. The system analysis of the factors, goals and geopolitical concepts used by the White House in realising its foreign policy, both during the Cold War and in its aftermath, allows tracing how did the liberal paradigm, which foundations had been formed within the historical events of the first post-war years, become a reality today. The article demonstrates that the expansion of the new world order paradigm is being accompanied by permanent economic, geopolitical and military expansion of the United States. In the framework of that expansion the territories of modern Belarus, Russia and other states of the former USSR are the stepping stones necessary to gain world leadership. From this point of view, the Cold War is not over. Yet its forms and methods have changed. Therefore, the new world order appears as being a multifaceted phenomenon projected into the informational, economic, and military-political dimensions to establish the global power of the USA in the world and that of the forces that stand behind it. It is concluded that the obeyance of the national spirit to the interests of the US foreign policy strategy is the main conceptual goal of the latter. This fact determines the nature of the modern war on consciousness. Understanding the new world order phenomenon as well as the USA foreign policy strategy as being the instrument of its establishing is necessary to ensure national security and successive development of the Belarusian state.


Author(s):  
Ali Rattansi

In the aftermath of the Holocaust and the ending of World War II in 1945, the role of eugenics and scientific racism in underpinning the ideology of Nazism was impossible to ignore. It was clear that the question of racism and its scientific basis had to be confronted at an international level as part of the attempt to build a successful post-fascist world order. ‘The demise of scientific racism’ describes the post-1950 period of work by biologists and social scientists to undermine the scientific claims of the category of race. It outlines the role of genetics, DNA sequencing, and genomics in showing that there is more genetic variety within different population groups than between them.


1996 ◽  
Vol 58 (3) ◽  
pp. 437-468
Author(s):  
Wilson D. Miscamble

This article uses the relationship between George Kennan and Dean Acheson as a lens to track a classic debate over the main lines of postwar American foreign policy, especially in regard to Europe and over such related issues as negotiations with the Soviets, German unification, and the size of and necessity for American conventional and nuclear forces. It clarifies that Kennan did not play the role of powerful architect whose planning provided the blueprint and instructions for building the structure of U.S. policy in Europe. Dean Acheson proved the essential builder of the structures which provided the framework for American foreign policy for four decades. In the process, this article clarifies the nature of the personal and professional dealings of the two men over the period from the end of World War II until Acheson's death in 1971.


2016 ◽  
pp. 123-130
Author(s):  
I. Khyzhnyak

The publication contains the present day consideration of the new global world order general structure came up after well-known developments of the Dignity Revolution in Ukraine. There has been also revealed the controversial essence of the new phase of the international standoff between the systemic composing segment of the Transatlantic origin (EC states, the USA, British Common-wealth of Nations) and Ukraine in addition on the one hand, and Russia – on the other. It clearly shows the Russia’s policy of expansion: annexation of Crimea and unleashing war in Donbas region as well as to become one of the key centers of the world global poles of the superpowers arrangement. The degree of systemic impact on the present day historical  background’s  developments  as factors of reversely acted effect of overall  outcome after the World War II has been analyzed as well.


Author(s):  
Nataliya S. Kozyakova

We examine the problems that occupied the main place in Austria’s foreign policy in the mid-1950s of 20th century and characterized its role in international relations during the specified period. The role of Austria in the international arena has increased the country’s entry into the path of neutrality. It also opened up wide opportunities for it to participate in the activities of vari-ous international organizations extensively. Using the method of source analysis, the active partic-ipation of Austria in the work of the UN is considered, its authority and support for the sufficient work of this organization, which allowed it to be elected for three years as a member of the main body of the UN – a member of the Economic and Social Council in 1963 and 1976, in 1973 and 1974 – a member of the UN security, and in 1972 it became a permanent member of the UN Security Council. According to Austria’s first statement to the Security Council, the country planned to provide the widest possible extent of its impartial services to the UN’s main political body, using the wide opportunities given to it by its independence and neutrality. Having analyzed the main directions and aspects of Austrian foreign policy in the second half of the twentieth century, we conclude that, having adopted a justified course in foreign policy in 1955, based on permanent neutrality, the Second Austrian Republic further has provided the guarantee and basis of its independence.


Author(s):  
Ruslan Rustamovich Ibragimov ◽  
Aivaz Minnegosmanovich Fazliev ◽  
Chulpan Khamitovna Samatova ◽  
Boturzhon Khamidovich Alimov

The objective of the research was to study Russian State and Orthodox church relations in the context of world war II and the early post-war years. The line of this article is due to the important role of the Russian Orthodox Church in the history, modern political and cultural life of Russia. In this sense, the period of State-Church relations in the USSR during world war II, known in Russia as a great patriotic war, is of great scientific interest because it was the time when the government was forced to make adjustments to its religion policy. Methodologically based on a wide range of documentary sources, the authors of the article have identified the place and role of the Russian Orthodox Church in the foreign policy of the USSR during the approach. In this sense, it is felt that the role of the Russian Orthodox Church in building relations with the allies of the anti-Hitler coalition and its place in the expansion of the Soviet political system in Eastern Europe was of paramount importance as a foreign policy factor.


Mundo Eslavo ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mariia Shymchyshyn

The article deals with the English translations of Lesia Ukrainka’s works. The author considers the new approaches to translation that emerged after the Cultural turn in the last part of the 20th century. In particular, the attention has been paid to the issues of migration and translation, negation of the Eurocentric ideas about translation, and translation as a constituent part for the formation of migrant’s community. Considering the chronology of the translation of Lesia Ukrainka’s works into English, it is argued that as a rule they were done by the Ukrainian diaspora and published in the periodicals, financed by the Ukrainian communities in Great Britain, the USA, and Canada. The most intensive phase of the popularization of poetess’s works in English happened to be during the middle of the last century. This could be explained by the nature of the third wave of migration, which occurred after World War II. This wave brought the highly politicized people, who tried to oppose the Soviet regime. They used literature to oppose the Soviet appropriation of the Ukrainian cultural heritage. Besides the Ukrainian diaspora have utilized the native fictional discourse to maintain the boundaries and consciousness of their collectivity.


2021 ◽  
Vol 64 (1 (245)) ◽  
pp. 21-37
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Szymańska

Znaczenie środków masowego przekazu w procesie planowania i realizacji polityki zagranicznej zmieniało się w czasie w zależności od możliwości technicznych mediów oraz obowiązującego paradygmatu dyplomacji. Celem artykułu jest analiza ewolucji, jaka dokonała się w tych relacjach w okresie od zakończenia II wojny światowej w kontekście wybranych wydarzeń historycznych. W ostatnich dziesięcioleciach wyróżnić można kilka etapów rozwoju wzajemnych relacji mediów i polityki zagranicznej, charakteryzujących się określonym układem oddziaływań oraz zależności mediów i dyplomacji, który w pewnych okresach w określonej sytuacji politycznej z różnym natężeniem cechowała albo wyraźna dominacja polityki nad mediami, albo wyraźnie uchwytny wpływ przekazu mediów na politykę. To, który z elementów układu zyskiwał w danym momencie przewagę, zależało głównie od aktualnego stanu rozwoju technologii przekazu oraz obowiązującego paradygmatu polityki zagranicznej. You Win Some, You Lose Some, or the Evolution of the Relations of Media and Foreign Policy The role of the media in the planning and implementation of foreign policy has changed over time, depending on the technical capabilities of the media and the existing diplomatic paradigm. The aim of the article is to analyze the evolution that has taken place in these fields since the end of World War II in the context of the selected historical events. In recent decades, several stages of the development of mutual relations between the media and foreign policy can be distinguished, characterized by a specific system of influence and dependence of the media and diplomacy, which in certain periods in a specific political situation was characterized with varying intensity either by a clear domination of politics over the media or a clearly noticeable influence of the media message on politics. Which of the elements of the system was gaining the advantage at a given moment depended mainly on the current state of development of the communication technology and the applicable foreign policy paradigm.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 69-75
Author(s):  
Anton B. Gekht

This article examines the role of Marcus Wallenberg Jr., a prominent financier and industrialist, one of the leaders of the financial and industrial group of the Wallenberg family, in the foreign policy of Sweden on the eve of and during World War II. Having concentrated in his hands the main threads of influence on the industry and the financial sphere of the kingdom, Marcus Wallenberg was unofficially involved in the development of the foreign policy of the kingdom, which sought to be out of direct involvement in the war. The article examines various contacts with representatives of the opposing sides, carries out with the active participation of this banker and industrialist, both as part of official delegations and as individuals – the main focus is on establishing interaction between the USSR and Finland in 1943-1944, as well as cooperation with the Allies – Britain and the United States. The article also analyses the non-institutionalised regular contacts of Marcus Wallenberg Jr. with the political leadership of Sweden during 1938-1945, including the difficulties faced by the financial and industrial group under his control in the period immediately after the end of World War II.


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