An ‘absolute right to do anything’: Protest policing in NSW's last decade of a full-time riot squad

2017 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 112-117 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christina White

This article evaluates the way in which the New South Wales Public Order and Riot Squad has been used to police political protests. The use of force, strategic arrests and protection of business interests can be seen across local protests, as well as larger international events. It is argued that the shift towards paramilitary policing is having profound impacts on the policing of protests at all levels. The Public Order and Riot Squad does not just target the risk that it was designed to combat (extreme riots) and the risk which is often thought to be its justification (counter-terrorism). The article also considers the statutory framework for authorising protests, arguing that it is not just police tactics that support the status quo, but also the supposedly neutral method of evaluating public safety.

2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachel M. Scott

AbstractThis article questions the assumption that — prior to July 2013 when the Egyptian military removed former President Mursi from power — the Muslim Brotherhood was in the process of implementing an Islamic state that would have involved a reversal of secularization and an upheaval to the status quo in terms of fundamental shifts in institutions and legal categories. Rather, the article argues that the Muslim Brotherhood evolved to embrace secularism of a certain sort-a statism in which it is the state that determines the boundaries of religion and politics. It illustrates this by looking at the role the Muslim Brotherhood envisaged for the Supreme Constitutional Court — and how this relates to the religious scholars of al-Azhar — in the formulation of legislation and in the assessment of whether legislation conforms to Article 2 of the constitution, both the 1971 one and the 2012 one, which was suspended in July 2013. In addition, the article will show how the Muslim Brotherhood has defined the public order with a particular focus on the idea of the Islamic “framework,” the rights of non-Muslim minorities, and personal status law.


Legal Studies ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-109
Author(s):  
Douglas Brodie

In 2005, the Law Commissions published a report reviewing unfair contracts legislation in the UK. Where the contract of employment was concerned, the Commissions were of the view that, in short, the status quo should remain. This paper seeks to appraise that position and considers whether an opportunity to bring forward beneficial reforms has been missed. The paper takes cognisance of the legislative scheme in New South Wales, which contains extensive powers where unfair contracts are concerned. It is suggested that, in the UK, the two key issues which need to be addressed are contracting-out and terms which may be substantively unfair.


1995 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 203-217 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael O'Donnell

Decentralizing industrial relations within New South Wales is a central recom mendation of the Niland Green Paper (1989). Decentralism also represents the cornerstone of the New South Wales government's industrial relations reform agenda enshrined in the New South Wales Industrial Relations Act 1991. To date there has been little analysis of the impact o f this legislative change on industrial relations in the New South Wales public sector. This paper provides a case study that examines the degree to which responsibility for bargaining has been devolved within the Parks and Gardens of the New South Wales Ministry for the Environ ment. It argues that, in contrast to the rhetoric of the New South Wales Act, the central agency presiding over the introduction of enterprise bargaining in the public sector, the Public Employment and Industrial Relations Authority; has been reluctant to delegate responsibility to parties in the workplace.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Usha Luckock ◽  
Joanna Harnett ◽  
Rose Cairns

ABSTRACT Vitamin and mineral supplements (VMS) are widely available and commonly used. Little is known about patterns of poisoning exposures to VMS in the Australian population. We performed a retrospective study of calls to the New South Wales Poisons Information Centre (NSWPIC), July 2014-June 2019. NSWPIC is Australia’s largest PIC, taking approximately 100,000 calls/year (50% of Australian poisoning calls) from healthcare professionals and members of the public. We conducted additional analyses on iron exposures due to their high risk of acute toxicity. There were 10 944 VMS exposures reported to NSWPIC during the study period, increasing 9.6% per annum over a five year period (95%CI, 7.2 – 12.1%). Toddlers (1-4 years) accounted for 41.5% (4546) of cases. Agents most commonly involved were multivitamins (n=3610), Vitamin D (n=2080), iron (n=1533), and magnesium (n=804). In 17.7% (1934) of cases the call originated from hospital or the patient was referred to hospital by NSWPIC. Iron exposures increased by 14.0% per year (95%CI, 9.5 – 18.5%), and most were associated with high strength products (>45 mg elemental iron per unit dose, n=1036). Iron exposures were hospitalised in 38% of cases (n=583). We conclude that vitamin and mineral supplement exposures are increasing in Australia. Although most exposures can be managed at home, many required hospitalisation. Iron exposures are increasing and had higher rates of hospitalisation than other agents. Vitamin and mineral supplements are often considered safe and without the potential for adverse effects, highlighting the importance of public education into the potential risks of misuse of these products.


2017 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-65
Author(s):  
Mary Varghese ◽  
Kamila Ghazali

Abstract This article seeks to contribute to the existing body of knowledge about the relationship between political discourse and national identity. 1Malaysia, introduced in 2009 by Malaysia’s then newly appointed 6th Prime Minister Najib Razak, was greeted with expectation and concern by various segments of the Malaysian population. For some, it signalled a new inclusiveness that was to change the discourse on belonging. For others, it raised concerns about changes to the status quo of ethnic issues. Given the varying responses of society to the concept of 1Malaysia, an examination of different texts through the critical paradigm of CDA provide useful insights into how the public sphere has attempted to construct this notion. Therefore, this paper critically examines the Prime Minister’s early speeches as well as relevant chapters of the socioeconomic agenda, the 10th Malaysia Plan, to identify the referential and predicational strategies employed in characterising 1Malaysia. The findings suggest a notion of unity that appears to address varying issues.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 33-46
Author(s):  
Antonio C. Cuyler

This article represents a snapshot and analysis of U. S. service arts organizations’ DEI statements and activities in 2018. At that time, many primarily White-serving U. S. cultural organizations responded defensively to accusations of elitism and a harmful rigged funding system that maintained the status quo by awarding most cultural funding to these organizations while undermining the health and vitality of cultural organizations by and for historically oppressed communities (Sidford, 2011). Furthermore, Helicon Collaborative (2017) found that even with a host of cultural equity, “diversity” projects (Tseng 2016), and public-facing DEI statements, little had changed within six years. Therefore, this study uses directed and summative content analysis to investigate the research question “what do cultural equity and diversity statements communicate about cultural organizations’ positions on DEI?” This study also uses Frankfurt’s (2005) essay On Bullshit and Laing’s (2016) two-prong definition of accountability as a theoretical framework to examine if and how cultural organizations hold themselves accountable for achieving DEI in the creative sector. Lastly, readers should keep in mind that the public murder of Geor-ge Floyd in 2020 has hastened all of the service arts organizations’ access, diversity, equity, and inclusion (ADEI) work examined in this study.


2018 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 270-289
Author(s):  
Alan Morris

In 2014, the New South Wales government announced that all of the 465 public housing tenants in Millers Point in inner Sydney, are to be relocated and their homes sold. This article, drawing on 41 semi-structured interviews with tenants who were residents at the time of the announcement, has two main aims. First, to contribute to the debate as to the continuity or otherwise of community in a global city in late modernity by closely examining the sense of community among the public housing tenants in Millers Point at the time of the displacement announcement. The second aim is to examine what I have termed ‘communicide’. I argue that the displacement policy directed at Millers Point public housing tenants can be described as an act of communicide as it destroyed a vibrant community causing tremendous dislocation and stress. After the move, many tenants found themselves deeply isolated.


2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Trevor G Gates ◽  
Margery C Saunders

Workers who are lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ)-identified have always been a part of the workplace in the United States, yet there has been a lack of awareness about how to advocate for the needs of these people. This lack of awareness was challenged by Congresswoman Bella Abzug. Abzug’s campaign for creating an equal working environment for sexual minorities initiated gradual changes in the public discourse concerning workplace and other broad equality measures for these communities. To frame these gradual transformations within a historical context, we use Lewin’s force field analysis framework to examine the change efforts of Abzug. Abzug had beginning success in thawing the status quo yet her visions for equality for LGBTQ people have yet to be realized. Using Abzug’s social action as an example, this article concludes that allies must continue to challenge societal oppression, power, and privilege and to demand civil rights protections for LGBTQ individuals.


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