The transformation of partisan rhetoric in American presidential campaigns, 1952–2012

2015 ◽  
Vol 23 (5) ◽  
pp. 566-577 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jesse H Rhodes ◽  
Zachary Albert

What are the dynamics of partisan rhetoric in presidential campaigns? (How) has presidential candidate partisanship changed over time? Analyzing a comprehensive dataset of party-related statements in presidential campaign speeches over the 1952–2012 period, we show that Democratic and Republican candidates have taken distinctive approaches to partisanship. Overall, Democratic candidates have been partisans, while Republicans have largely refrained from partisan rhetoric on the campaign trail. However, this difference has narrowed substantially over time, due to a dramatic decline in the partisanship of Democratic presidential candidates. We argue that Democratic and Republican candidates have adopted different campaign strategies that reflect both enduring party differences and changing political contexts. Though naturally inclined to partisanship, Democratic candidates have adopted more conciliatory strategies primarily in response to growing public antipathy toward partisan rancor. In contrast, Republicans’ tendency toward more conciliatory rhetoric has been reinforced by political developments discouraging partisan campaigning.

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 114-122
Author(s):  
Zulfa Nabila ◽  
Januarius Mujiyanto ◽  
Dwi Rukmini

Politics is not only controlled by male but also female. Commissive speech acts often happen in presidential campaign speeches. This research aims to analyze the comparison of commissive speech acts in English speeches by Trump and Warren presidential candidate viewed from gender differences. Qualitative method is applied in this research. The data are analyzed by using commissive speech acts from Searle (2005), Cutting (2002) and talk theory from Tannen (1991). The findings show that Trump used seven types of commissive: promise, guarantee, pledge, contract, offering, threaten, and refusal. The functions are giving solution, convincing, insulting, threatening, showing care, and encouraging. Warren used three types of commissive: promise, guarantee, and threaten. The functions are giving solution, convincing, threatening, and showing care. There are three similarities of commissive between them: promise, guarantee, and threaten. Promise is the most frequent type used by them. Viewed from gender differences, female and male presidential candidates applied report and raport talks. They tended to use report talks.The differences are that Trump employed more types of commissive than Warren did. Trump used seven types while Warren used three. Viewed from gender differences, Trump’s report talk is more varied than Warren’s. Meanwhile, Warren’s rapport talk is more varied than Trump. This research gives the example to students of English language on how to convince hearers or audience by utilizing commissive speech acts.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 75
Author(s):  
Abbas Deygan Darweesh ◽  
Manar Kareem Mehdi

This paper aims to explore how a political leader can propagate ideology through the tactful use of language. It has been investigated how different linguistic tools have been used to project or achieve political objectives. Therefore, the paper is devoted to the exploration of persuasive and manipulative strategies utilized by the democratic presidential candidate Hillary Clinton in her campaign speeches. This paper is framed under the scope of discourse analysis wherein three speeches of Hillary Clinton are highlighted to fathom the ways in which she mesmerizes her audience through the use of certain linguistic and rhetorical devices and crafts to inject her ultimate goal of persuading people and indoctrinate her ideology so as to gain as many voters as possible .The selected speeches have been analyzed qualitatively using analytical framework of Barbra Johnstone's work (2008) about persuasive strategies.


PERSPEKTIF ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 385-393
Author(s):  
Ribkha Annisa Octovina ◽  
Leo Agustino ◽  
Dede Sri Kartini

This article aims to describe the political campaign strategy of Joko Widodo and Ma'ruf Amin in the presidential candidate debate in the 2019 presidential election. The problem is focused on the campaign strategy carried out by the PDI-P party to support the political debate agenda against the presidential candidates Joko Widodo and Ma'ruf Amin. In order to approach this problem, Nursal's theoretical reference is used to use the theory of political campaign strategy. The selection of this theory in this study is because it is more suitable to describe the findings of political campaign strategies for the candidate pairs Joko Widodo and Ma'ruf Amin in the 2019 presidential candidate debate that can attract sympathy or gain support as described in the preliminary study. The data were collected through interviews and analyzed qualitatively. This study concludes that in the implementation of the presidential candidate debate in the 2019 presidential election, the political campaign strategy applied by PDI Perjungan to support Joko Widodo and Ma'ruf Amin, one of which is the marketing of political products through the mass media. First, strengthen the material. Second, observing the target and determining the target for the political debate. Third, approach the media throughout the media, including media that are affiliated and unaffiliated.


Bases Loaded ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 67-81
Author(s):  
Costas Panagopoulos

This chapter advances a direct examination of presidential campaign strategies by analyzing the contents of presidential advertisements broadcasted on television in recent cycles. The analyses are suggestive and largely explorative, but they suggest overall that presidential campaigns have increasingly featured partisan cues in their appeals on television, presumably to activate latent predispositions among partisans in their camps and to trigger the salience of social identity processes rooted in partisan identification. I interpret this evidence to support the notion of a base maximizing strategy as opposed to base expansion efforts.


2008 ◽  
Vol 98 (3) ◽  
pp. 769-807 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Strömberg

This paper analyzes how US presidential candidates should allocate resources across states to maximize the probability of winning the election, by developing and estimating a probabilistic-voting model of political competition under the Electoral College system. Actual campaigns act in close agreement with the model. There is a 0.9 correlation between equilibrium and actual presidential campaign visits across states, both in 2000 and 2004. The paper shows how presidential candidate attention is affected by the states' number of electoral votes, forecasted state-election outcomes, and forecast uncertainty. It also analyzes the effects of a direct national popular vote for president. (JEL D72)


2012 ◽  
Vol 45 (01) ◽  
pp. 58-66 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph Uscinski

AbstractThe American vice president's most notable constitutional function is that of succession: if the president unexpectedly leaves office, the vice president becomes president. The process of selecting vice-presidential running mates has fallen into fewer hands over time, moving from the electorate, to party bosses and delegates, to a single person: the presidential candidate. The selection process presents challenges for democratic governance: electoral considerations may provide presidential candidates with incentive to choose vice-presidential running mates who differ from themselves politically. In cases of succession, this can lead to undemocratic outcomes and unstable policy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-72
Author(s):  
Luky Sandra Amalia ◽  
Aisah Putri Budiatri ◽  
Mouliza KD. Sweinstani ◽  
Atika Nur Kusumaningtyas ◽  
Esty Ekawati

In the 2019 election, the proportion of women elected to Indonesia’s People’s Representative Assembly ( Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, DPR) increased significantly to almost 21 per cent. In this article, we ask whether an institutional innovation – the introduction of simultaneous presidential and legislative elections – contributed to this change. We examine the election results, demonstrating that, overall, women candidates did particularly well in provinces where the presidential candidate nominated by their party won a majority of the vote. Having established quantitatively a connection between results of the presidential elections and outcomes for women legislative candidates, we turn to our qualitative findings to seek a mechanism explaining this outcome. We argue that the simultaneous elections helped women candidates by easing their access to voters who supported one of the presidential candidates, but who were undecided on the legislative election. Rather than imposing additional burdens on female candidates, simultaneous elections assisted them.


1985 ◽  
Vol 18 (01) ◽  
pp. 48-52
Author(s):  
Laurily K. Epstein

However one wishes to characterize Walter Mondale's campaign for the presidency, his loss was only the latest in a series of Democratic presidential candidate defeats beginning in 1968. In 1968, Hubert Humphrey got 43 percent of the popular vote. In 1972, George McGovem received 38 percent of the popular vote. And in both 1980 and 1984, the Democratic presidential tickets got 41 percent of the popular vote. Only in 1976 did a Democratic presidential candidate receive a (very slim) majority of the popular votes cast. Indeed, Democratic presidential candidates have received only 42 percent of the total votes cast between 1968 and 1984.Although Democratic presidential candidates have not been faring well for 16 years, party identification has remained about the same—with the Democrats as the majority party. Until 1984. And that is what makes the 1984 election interesting, for in this election the voters finally seemed to change their party identification to correspond with what now appears to be their habit of electing Republican presidents.In 1980, when Jimmy Carter received the same proportion of the total votes cast as did Walter Mondale in 1984, self-styled Democrats were still in the majority. But, by 1984, Republicans and Democrats were at a virtual tie nationwide, as these figures from NBC News election day voter polls demonstrate.


Author(s):  
Adam I. P. Smith

This chapter discusses the campaign strategies of the two main presidential candidates in the free states in the 1860 election, Abraham Lincoln and Stephen A. Douglas. Both appealed to voters’ desire to contain the Slave Power and assure access to the West for free white settlers. The core difference between Douglasites and Lincolnites was over the role of the Federal government in resolving the crisis: Republicans wanted to take control in Washington to prevent the nationalisation of slavery; Democrats continued to believe that the most effective solution was decentralisation.


Author(s):  
Robert G. Boatright ◽  
Valerie Sperling

The book begins by laying out a story about the impact of the presidential race on the congressional races in 2016. At the center of this story lie two unanticipated developments that characterized the 2016 election. The first of these was the unusual centrality of sexism and gender stereotypes to the presidential race in 2016. In a society that appears, by some measures, to have taken strides toward greater gender equality, what happened in Congressional campaigns when “retrograde” views on gender unexpectedly emerged in the competition for the presidency? The second unexpected occurrence was the nomination of Donald Trump as the Republican Party’s presidential candidate, and the subsequent assumption that he would lose the presidential contest to Hillary Clinton. What impact did this development have on Congressional campaigns? Congressional candidates in the 2016 election found themselves in a fairly novel situation generated by the presidential race: gender issues became central to the presidential campaign, and, in turn, to the entire election process.


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