scholarly journals Multilevel governance: Identity, political contestation, and policy

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 792-799
Author(s):  
Hanna Kleider
Keyword(s):  
European Integration ◽  
Empirical Research ◽  
Multilevel Governance ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Policy Outcomes ◽  
Research Programmes ◽  
Multi Level ◽  
Multiple Levels ◽  
The Eu

This commentary takes stock of how Multi-level Governance and European Integration has helped scholars frame empirical research agendas. It focuses on three specific research programmes emanating from the book: (1) the role of identity in multi-level governance, (2) political contestation in multi-level systems, and (3) the effect of multi-level governance on policy outcomes. It aims to highlight existing knowledge in these lines of research whilst offering several critical reflections and directions for future research. The commentary argues that the book’s observation that governance structures are ultimately shaped by identities rather than by efficiency considerations has proved almost prophetic given recent backlash against the EU. The book expertly shows that there is an inherent tension in sharing authority across multiple levels of government, and that multi-level systems require constant recalibration and renegotiation of how authority is shared.

5. Governance Approaches

2009 ◽  
Author(s):  
B. Guy Peters ◽  
Jon Pierre
Keyword(s):  
European Integration ◽  
Multilevel Governance ◽  
Social Structures ◽  
Governance Capacity ◽  
Policy Issues ◽  
Eu Governance ◽  
European Governance ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Eu

This chapter examines the European Union’s capacity to govern effectively. It argues that the creation of governance capacity for the institutions within the EU is the goal of much of the process of integration. While European integration is to some extent an end in itself, it may also be the means for attaining the capacity to govern a large territory with complex economic and social structures. The chapter first explains what governance is before discussing various criticisms levelled against it and how governance works in Europe. It then outlines a number of propositions about European governance, focusing on multilevel governance, the role of governance in output legitimization, and the claim that European governance remains undemocratic, is highly segmented, and is transforming. The chapter proceeds by looking at changes in European governance styles and policy issues, along with their implications for European integration. Finally, it explores the consequences of enlargement for EU governance.

Regionalist Parties and the European Union

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emanuele Massetti ◽  
Arjan H. Schakel
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
European Integration ◽  
Political System ◽  
Maastricht Treaty ◽  
Multilevel Governance ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Eu

Regionalist parties are political actors that emphasize distinct ethno-territorial identities and interests vis-à-vis those of the entire state, advocating some forms of territorially based self-government in a view to protect, give voice to, and enhance those identities and interests. The tense relationships that these political actors often have with the central institutions leads them, in the European Union (EU) context, to identify the EU as a potential ally in their struggle against the state. Indeed, the EU system of multilevel governance, in which regional governments have obtained a considerable role, is also the result of a combined effect of regionalist parties’ pressure on member states from below and the process of European integration creating a favorable political framework from above. This putative alliance was celebrated, during the 1980s and 1990s, with the Maastricht Treaty representing a pivotal moment for the launch of the vision of a “Europe of the Regions.” However, the EU constitutional reforms of the 2000s (from the Treaty of Nice to the Treaty of Lisbon) fell rather short vis-à-vis regionalist claims, revealing the “illusionary character” of the “Europe of the Regions” idea. Since then, attempts to achieve “Independence in Europe” (through “internal enlargement”) have intensified in regions governed by strong and radical regionalist parties, such as in Catalonia and Scotland. These secessionist attempts have added further strain to an already under-stress EU political system. Indeed, far from acting as an ally of regionalist forces, the EU appears to have straddled between the role of a neutral observer and a supporter of member states’ territorial integrity.

European Integration as Compromise: Recognition, Concessions and the Limits of Cooperation

2012 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 414-440 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christine Reh
Keyword(s):  
European Integration ◽  
Empirical Research ◽  
Perspective Taking ◽  
Empathic Concern ◽  
Normative Study ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Micro Level ◽  
The Eu

AbstractThe role of compromise in EU politics has been widely recognized by scholars and practitioners alike. At the same time, the systematic conceptual, analytical and normative study of compromise has remained an exception. This is surprising, given that the study of compromise can be linked to three broader questions at the heart of integration: (1) How does the EU accommodate diversity? (2) What makes supranational rule normatively justifiable? (3) Who or what defines the limits of cooperation? Against this backdrop, this article sheds light on the concept of compromise, on the role of compromise in legitimizing supranational governance and on the limits to compromise in the European polity. I argue that the EU – a divided, multilevel and functionally restricted polity – is highly dependent on the legitimizing force of ‘inclusive compromise’, which is characterized by the recognition of difference. This is true for horizontal or micro-level relations between political actors (where compromise works through concessions as well as justification, perspective-taking and empathic concern in a process of ‘procedural accommodation’), and for vertical or macro-level relations between systems of governance (where compromise works through ‘constitutional compatibility’). Given the legitimizing force of inclusive compromise, I subsequently identify the limits to such agreements and, thus, to supranational cooperation; I argue that these limits are issue specific and depend on where the costs of cooperation are borne. The article concludes by outlining routes for follow-up empirical research.

Implementatie van Europese wetgeving in nationale systemen : De Belgische casus bekeken door een multi-level governance bril

Res Publica ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-79
Author(s):  
Peter Bursens ◽  
Sarah Helsen
Keyword(s):  
Explanatory Power ◽  
Multilevel Governance ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Combined Use ◽  
Eu Directives ◽  
Multi Level ◽  
Council Of State ◽  
Cultural Features ◽  
The Eu

This article explores the use of the Multilevel Governance (MLG) concept to understand why EU Member-States, such as Belgium, sometimes fail to transpose EU directives correctly or in time. Firstly, it discusses the nature and the value of the MLG concept. It is argued that a theoretical incorporation of the MLG concept in the Neo-Institutional (NI) paradigm is necessary to gain explanatory power. Secondly, an overview is presented of the Belgian implementation record. In the last part, the combined use of the MLG concept and the NI theory identifies several factors to explain failing implementation. It is argued that governance as well as multilevel institutions can constrain the desired smooth implementation. Examples of such hard and soft institutions include the multi-layeredfederal structure of Belgium, the complex co-ordination and implementation mechanisms, the role of advisory bodies and the Council of State, the relation between administrations and 'cabinets', and cultural features such as knowledge of the EU.

Euroscepticism and the Future of European Integration

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catherine E. De Vries
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
European Integration ◽  
Public Support ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Public Preferences ◽  
Novel Theory ◽  
The Eu

The European Union (EU) is facing one of the rockiest periods in its existence. At no time in its history has it looked so economically fragile, so insecure about how to protect its borders, so divided over how to tackle the crisis of legitimacy facing its institutions, and so under assault by Eurosceptic parties. The unprecedented levels of integration in recent decades have led to increased public contestation, yet at the same the EU is more reliant on public support for its continued legitimacy than ever before. This book examines the role of public opinion in the European integration process. It develops a novel theory of public opinion that stresses the deep interconnectedness between people’s views about European and national politics. It suggests that public opinion cannot simply be characterized as either Eurosceptic or not, but rather that it consists of different types. This is important because these types coincide with fundamentally different views about the way the EU should be reformed and which policy priorities should be pursued. These types also have very different consequences for behaviour in elections and referendums. Euroscepticism is such a diverse phenomenon because the Eurozone crisis has exacerbated the structural imbalances within the EU. As the economic and political fates of member states have diverged, people’s experiences with and evaluations of the EU and national political systems have also grown further apart. The heterogeneity in public preferences that this book has uncovered makes a one-size-fits-all approach to addressing Euroscepticism unlikely to be successful.

Italy and the politics of European defence: playing by the logic of multi-level networks

Modern Italy ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-231 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paolo Foradori ◽  
Paolo Rosa
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
European Level ◽  
Foreign And Security Policy ◽  
Multi Level ◽  
The Eu ◽  
Common Defence

SummaryThe article looks at the role of Italy in the decision-making arena of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), analysing the initiatives it put in place to address and influence the construction of a common defence. The article aims to explain the ability or inability of Italy to build up a consensus around its proposals. By studying two initiatives in the field of European defence and security, it seeks to determine the factors which resulted in the differing outcomes of Italian actions at the European level.

scholarly journals Multi-level Governance and Energy Specifics of the V4 Countries within the Context of European Integration

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 525-546
Author(s):  
Helena Bauerová ◽  
Milan Vošta
Keyword(s):  
European Integration ◽  
Energy Policy ◽  
State Level ◽  
Theoretical Concept ◽  
Levels Of Analysis ◽  
Energy Mix ◽  
Strategic Plans ◽  
Multi Level ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The Eu

AbstractThe topic of energy is still one of the most sensitive policy areas. The aim of this article is to examine the multi-level governance and energy specifics of the V4 countries within the context of European integration by analyzing selected the specifics of the energy mix of the V4 group countries. This will be carried out within the context of applying the theory of multilevel governance. The paper shows how energy policy is formed at state, and/or non-state level, as well as how these levels are influenced by the EU. The article also looks at the efforts taken to shape a common energy policy. A closer examination of the individual countries‘ levels lies outside the scope of this article. Therefore, the framework was chosen with regard to the particular features within the context of the functioning of the V4 group of countries. Using multi-level governance as a theoretical concept, the authors considered the limits arising from the determination of levels and the subjects of the survey, as well as having distinguished three levels of analysis. The first is the supranational level. This is represented by the EU. The second level is represented by the V4 states. The third level is the state as the actor that formulates energy policy, sets the energy mix and subsequently manifests itself in relation to the EU and the V4 group. Energy policy is significantly influenced by states, especially in the area of energy security of fuel supplies, or that of setting the energy mix. With the gradual communitarization of energy policy, the EU’s influence is growing and it is debatable how the evaluation of existing strategic plans, presented by individual states, will be done. The role of the V4 group is the weakest of the three levels of analysis which were examined. However, its increasing influence can be predicted mainly in the case of coal depletion and the perception of nuclear energy as a renewable source.

scholarly journals The European Administration as a Facilitator of the European Integration Process: Organizational and Ethical Implications from the Proliferation of European Union Agencies

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (15) ◽  
pp. 78-94
Author(s):  
Giorgio Oikonomou
Keyword(s):  
European Integration ◽  
Sharp Increase ◽  
Research Question ◽  
Eu Enlargement ◽  
Policy Area ◽  
Ethical Implications ◽  
European Court ◽  
Integration Project ◽  
The Eu

The purpose of this study is to explore the evolution of EU administration by focusing and critically examining the role of EU agencies in advancing the European integration project. The research question deals with identifying the factors that account for the formulation of EU agencies and the reasons behind their sharp increase in numbers since the 2000s. The tasks are to analyse critical EU agencies’ parameters such as their typology, the policy area they deal with, origin of their resources and funding, and their output. In addition, transparency and accountability issues accompanying the proliferation of EU agencies are also considered. Emphasis is placed on the evolution of the European administration as expressed by the establishment of various types of agencies since 1975 thereafter. Methodologically, the research utilizes quantitative data based on annual EU budgets as well as official reports and policy papers issued by main EU institutions (European Commission, European Parliament, European Court of Auditors) and agencies, analyzing them from a historical perspective. As a result, it is argued that the proliferation of EU agencies has advanced the process of European integration, namely the EU enlargement and expansion in new policy areas following successive reforms of the Treaties. However, concerns regarding accountability and transparency issues remain in place.

Information Systems Leadership Roles

2002 ◽  
pp. 304-319
Author(s):  
Petter Gottschalk
Keyword(s):  
Information Systems ◽  
Empirical Research ◽  
Chief Executive ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Leadership Roles ◽  
It Use ◽  
Change Leader ◽  
Systems Leadership ◽  
The Empirical Analysis

Information systems (IS) leadership roles have undergone fundamental changes over the past decade. Despite increased interest in recent years, little empirical research on IS managers has been done. This article presents results from a survey in Norway. The survey collected data on general leadership roles such as informational role, decisional role, and interpersonal role, as well as on specific IS leadership roles such as chief architect, change leader, product developer, technology provocateur, coach, and chief operating strategist. The empirical analysis indicates that strategic responsibility as well as network stage of growth influence the extent of informational role, while the extent to which the chief executive uses IT influences the extent of decisional role, and the extent to which subordinates use IT influence the extent of interpersonal role. IS managers with greater operating responsibility will be chief architects. The role of a change leader is positively influenced by the number of years in IT, the extent of IT use, the extent of strategic responsibility, and the organization’s revenue, while it is negatively influenced by the number of years in the current position. Product developer can be predicted by strategic responsibility and chief executive’s IT use, while technology provocateur can be predicted by the extent of IT use. Coach can be predicted by the extent of subordinates’ IT use, and chief operating strategist can be predicted by the extent of strategic responsibility. Although several significant predictors of IS leadership roles were identified in this research, the search for more significant explanations should continue in future research.

The Role of Third Countries in EU Migration Policy: The Mobility Partnerships

2012 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 393-415 ◽  
Author(s):  
Natasja Reslow
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Migration Policy ◽  
Policy Outcomes ◽  
Cape Verdean ◽  
Policy Initiatives ◽  
The Third ◽  
Policy Proposals ◽  
External Migration ◽  
The Eu

Abstract Third countries are actors in EU external migration policy, not merely passive recipients of policy proposals. In order to understand policy outcomes, it is necessary to understand why third countries decide to participate (or not) in EU migration policy initiatives. The conditionality model provides an explanation which focuses on the domestic preferences of and processes in the third countries. In 2007, the EU introduced the Mobility Partnerships. These partnerships are intended to be the framework for migration relations between the EU and third countries in Eastern Europe and Africa. The Cape Verdean government decided to sign a Mobility Partnership because the benefits of this cooperation with the EU outweighed the costs. The Senegalese government refused to sign because the Mobility Partnership would have implied significant, unacceptable costs.

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