The owners of information: Content curation practices of middle-level gatekeepers in political Facebook groups

2021 ◽  
pp. 146144482110621
Author(s):  
Sanna Malinen
Keyword(s):  
Information Content ◽  
Research Data ◽  
Discussion Groups ◽  
Middle Level ◽  
Political Discussion ◽  
Group Norms ◽  
Online Content ◽  
Stakeholder Groups ◽  
Governance Process

Volunteer moderators play a key role when making judgements about which online content should be accepted and which should be removed. As such, their work fundamentally shapes the digital social and political spheres. Using the data obtained from 15 Facebook group moderator interviews as research data, this study focused on the content curation work by the middle-level gatekeepers of Finnish political discussion groups on Facebook. The findings show that the moderators feel strong ownership of the groups they moderate and of the information such groups provide, and as a result, they strongly shape the groups’ discussion and governing policy. Facebook’s governing policy for groups is vague, which gives space for group norms and identities to develop. The stakeholder groups (i.e. the platform administration, moderators and users) do not attend to the governance process all together, so negotiations among them are almost non-existent.

KAJIAN SINTAKSIS DALAM PENGGUNAAN FRASA DI JEJARING SOSIAL FACEBOOK

Buana Bastra ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-23
Author(s):  
Gosita Ifantias Meisawitri ◽  
Luluk Isani Kulup
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Noun Phrase ◽  
Social Communication ◽  
Research Data ◽  
Middle Level ◽  
Arbitrary System ◽  
Verb Phrase ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Status ◽  
Data Source

Every human being would socialize with other humans. Humans interact by using a tool called language. Language itself is often inerpreted as arbitrary system sounds symbol, languageis universal, that language has meaning or has intention to nonvey something. Language as a meansof social communication can be illustrated in the social network facebook. The phrase is notpredicative and does not have verb and phrases are groups of words. The phrase can be dividedinto phrases and phrases eksosentrik and endosentrik. The use of the phrase alone is consideredless sufficiet when used to make facebook social media users use the appropriate phrase. Facebookuser community consists of some society levels, the top level society, middle level society andbottom level society. Many Facebook users do not care about it because each of them has a styleand language in their own words. No exception educated people, for example, teachers also use alot of slang phrase because era development factors which one of them is language. This studyused a qualitative approach because the research aimed to explain itself and to describe errors ofphrase using that appear in the facebook social media. This research data was screenshot of thestatus sentences .The data source was facebook. Based on the findings of the data and data analysis,it is found some the use of noun phrase, verb phrase, the adjecive phrase, numeralia phrases andprepositional phrase as its function in facebook. According to Samsuri, There are five kinds ofphrases: (1) noun phrase, (2) verb phrase, (3) the adjective phrase, (4) the numeralia phrase, and(5) prepositional phrase. Thus, it can be concluded that there are some the use of phrase thatappears in the status which is written by facebook users.  

Information Flow and Democratic Governance

2012 ◽  
pp. 233-242
Author(s):  
F. A. Aremu ◽  
H. T. Saka
Keyword(s):  
New Media ◽  
Information Content ◽  
Information Flow ◽  
Political System ◽  
Information Science ◽  
Science And Technology ◽  
Information Matrix ◽  
Content Development ◽  
Power Base ◽  
Governance Process

Information is the life-line of governance. This is particularly true with democratic political systems. Even undemocratic regimes require steady information flow to sustain their power base. Indeed, the effectiveness in the management of information flow distinguishes a functional political system from a dysfunctional one. With the emergence of new media in the information matrix, there has been a dramatic democratization of content development which had hitherto been the exclusive preserve of “experts” in the media arena. The expansion of space in content development and dissemination of information through the various internet-based mechanisms has proven to be a double-edged sword: a force for popular mobilization and participation in the governance process and a source of destabilization. Depending on the political system in question, information science and technology is exerting tremendous influence in the governance arena. This chapter examines the unfolding dynamics in Information Science and Technology and its place in the democratization of the governance process in Africa. It dwells on the changing contexts of information content development besides engaging the core conceptual issues. It also explores the nexus between the “democratization of information content development” and democratic consolidation in Africa.

scholarly journals Analysis of the Effectiveness of the General Election Commission's Socialization as a Media for Political Education to Create a Democratic Society

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 405-416
Author(s):  
Wandi Subroto
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Method ◽  
Sampling Method ◽  
Research Data ◽  
General Election ◽  
Political Education ◽  
Political Discussion ◽  
Analysis Method ◽  
General Elections ◽  
The City ◽  
Election Commission

The purpose of this study was to analyze the effectiveness of the socialization program carried out by the General Elections Commission as a medium of political education for the community. This study uses a type of juridical-normative research. The sources of law used in this study are secondary and tertiary sources of law. Sources of data were collected using questionnaires, interviews and literature studies. The location of this research was carried out at the General Election Commission office in Palembang. The data analysis method used in this study is a qualitative method which was collected during the research. The research respondents were 50 people who were selected using purposive sampling method. To maintain the validity of the data, field observation techniques and data triangulation techniques were used. Based on the results of the research data, it can be concluded that the socialization carried out by the General Election Commission of the city of Palembang was quite effective. This is supported by the strategy used, namely holding a political discussion forum, building an Election Smart House and carrying out direct outreach to novice voters who are in high school or equivalent, as well as two-way communication conducted by the General Election Commission of the city of Palembang.

scholarly journals Boundary Control as Gatekeeping in Facebook Groups

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 73-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sanna Malinen
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Group Membership ◽  
Political Discussion ◽  
Group Norms ◽  
Digital Networks ◽  
Protecting Group ◽  
Face To Face ◽  
Media Control ◽  
Using Data ◽  
Global Platform

Facebook groups host user-created communities on Facebook’s global platform, and their administrative structure consists of members, volunteer moderators, and governance mechanisms developed by the platform itself. This study presents the viewpoints of volunteers who moderate groups on Facebook that are dedicated to political discussion. It sheds light on how they enact their day-to-day moderation work, from platform administration to group membership, while acknowledging the demands that come from both these tasks. As volunteer moderators make key decisions about content, their work significantly shapes public discussion in their groups. Using data obtained from 15 face-to-face interviews, this qualitative study sheds light on volunteer moderation as a means of media control in complex digital networks. The findings show that moderation concerns not just the removal of content or contacts but, most importantly, it is about protecting group norms by controlling who has the access to the group. Facebook’s volunteer moderators have power not only to guide discussion but, above all, to decide who can participate in it, which makes them important gatekeepers of the digital public sphere.

From proportional representation to plurality and back: Post-Christian Democratic parties compared

Modern Italy ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 429-449 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aldo Di Virgilio
Keyword(s):  
Research Data ◽  
Middle Level ◽  
Cognitive Factors ◽  
The Political ◽  
Strategic Decisions ◽  
Cultural Orientations ◽  
Electoral Strategies ◽  
Electoral Reforms ◽  
National Congress ◽  
Democratic Parties

This article analyses the competition strategies adopted by the Christian Democratic (DC) and post-Christian Democratic (post-DC) parties after the electoral reforms of 1993 and 2005. Four main aspects are considered: the significance of cultural (ideological and cognitive) factors in the DC's exit from the political stage; the need to adapt post-DC strategy to bipolarism and the nostalgia for an autonomous centre; the nature and geography of the post-DC vote; and the attitudes of the middle-level elites of the three principal post-DC parties (the DL, the UDEUR and the UDC) vis-à-vis the competitive and strategic decisions they had to make. The article reaches the following conclusions: the post-DC parties share the same cultural orientations and have similar politico-electoral characteristics (a confessional background, the relevance of patronage networks and personalistic vote mobilisation); all three parties adapted, in different ways and with different degrees of success, to the new structure of coalitional bipolarism in the decade 1996–2006; and both research data on the main post-DC parties’ national congress delegates and the evolution of their electoral strategies on the eve of the 2008 elections show that the post-Christian Democrats felt more at home in the centre-left alignment, together with the post-communist PDS-DS, than in the centre-right alignment led by Berlusconi.

Dealing with Internet Trolling in Political Online Communities

2014 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Bishop
Keyword(s):  
Online Communities ◽  
Online Community ◽  
Discussion Groups ◽  
The Internet ◽  
Political Discussion ◽  
Original Meaning

Internet trolling has become a popularly used term to describe the posting of any content on the Internet which is provocative or offensive. This is different from the original meaning online in the 1990s, which referred to the posting of provocative messages for humourous effect. Those systems operators (sysops) who run online communities are finding they are being targeted because of abuse posted on their platforms. Political discussion groups are some of the most prone to trolling, whether consensual or unwanted. Many such websites ara open for anyone to join, meaning when some members post messages they know are offensive but legal, others might find grossly offensive, meaning these messages could be illegal. This paper develops a questionnaire called the This Is Why We Can't Have Nice Things Scale (TIWWCHNT-20), which aims to help sysops better plan the development of online communities to take account of different users' capacity to be offended, and for users to self-assess whether they will be suited to an online community. The scale is discussed in relation to different Internet posting techniques where different users will act differently.

scholarly journals Analisis Kebijakan dan Implementasi Perpajakan Wajib Pajak Orang Pribadi Pembuat Konten Online di Negara Amerika Serikat, Korea Selatan, Filipina, dan Indonesia

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (01) ◽  
pp. 53-65
Author(s):  
Puji Astuti Rahayu ◽  
Sylvia Fettry Elvira M ◽  
Monica Paramita Putri Dewanti
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Qualitative Research ◽  
Data Collection ◽  
South Korea ◽  
Income Tax ◽  
Field Studies ◽  
The United States ◽  
Research Data ◽  
Online Content ◽  
The Difference

ABSTRACT The income earned by online content creators (selebgrams, youtubers, and bloggers) is an object of Income Tax. The income of online content creators are potential taxes that are being unearthed by the DJP. This study aims to analyze tax policy for taxpayers of online content creators in the United States, South Korea, Philippines, and Indonesia, analyze potential tax revenues and evaluate the implementation of their tax obligations. This research uses descriptive and qualitative research. Data collection through field studies by conducting interviews, questionnaire, and literature studies. Based on the results of the study, each country studied imposed taxes on private residents, as well as non-residents. Every online content creator is asked to register to obtain a TIN, as well as NPWP in Indonesia. The difference is that online content creators must register their businesses, so that the tax authorities have a database. ABSTRAK Penghasilan yang diperoleh pembuat konten online (selebgrams, youtubers, dan bloggers) merupakan objek Pajak Penghasilan. Penghasilan pembuat konten online merupakan potensi pajak yang sedang digali oleh Direktorat Jenderal Pajak. Penelitian ini bertujuan menganalisis kebijakan perpajakan bagi wajib pajak orang pribadi pembuat konten online di negara Amerika Serikat, Korea Selatan, Filipina, dan Indonesia, menganalisis potensi penerimaan pajak dan mengevaluasi pelaksanaan kewajiban perpajakannya. Penelitian ini menggunakan penelitian deskriptif dan bersifat kualitatif. Pengumpulan data melalui studi lapangan dengan melakukan wawancara dan kuesioner terhadap wajib pajak pembuat konten online dan studi literatur. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian, setiap negara yang diteliti mengenakan pajak terhadap resident, maupun non resident. Setiap orang pribadi pembuat konten online diminta mendaftarkan diri agar memperoleh TIN, seperti halnya NPWP di Indonesia. Perbedaan Negara yang diteliti dengan Indonesia adalah pembuat konten online harus mendaftarkan usahanya, sehingga otoritas pajak memiliki database pembuat konten online.

Developing and Validating the “This Is Why We Can't Have Nice Things Scale”

2017 ◽  
pp. 153-177 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Bishop
Keyword(s):  
Online Communities ◽  
Online Community ◽  
Discussion Groups ◽  
The Internet ◽  
Political Discussion ◽  
Original Meaning

Internet trolling describe the posting of any content on the Internet which is provocative or offensive, which is different from the original meaning online in the 1990s, referring to the posting of messages for humourous effect. Those systems operators (sysops) who run online communities are being targeted because of abuse posted on their platforms. Political discussion groups are some of the most prone to trolling, whether consensual or unwanted. Many such websites ara open for anyone to join, meaning when some members post messages they know are offensive but legal, others might find grossly offensive, meaning these messages could be illegal. This paper develops a questionnaire called the This Is Why We Can't Have Nice Things Scale (TIWWCHNT-20), which aims to help sysops better plan the development of online communities to take account of different users' capacity to be offended, and for users to self-assess whether they will be suited to an online community. The scale is discussed in relation to different Internet posting techniques where different users will act differently.

The Gender Gap in Political Discussion Group Attendance

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 315-338 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edana Beauvais
Keyword(s):  
Gender Gap ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
Discussion Groups ◽  
Political Discussion ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Group Discussions ◽  
Face To Face ◽  
Women's Participation ◽  
Small Group Discussions ◽  
Discursive Politics

AbstractAlthough women and men enjoy formally equal political rights in today's democracies, there are ongoing gaps in the extent to which they make use of these rights, with women underrepresented in many political practices. The gender gap in democratic participation is problematic because gendered asymmetries in participation entail collective outcomes that are less attentive to women's needs, interests, and preferences. Existing studies consider gender gaps in voting behavior and in certain forms of nonelectoral politics such as boycotting, signings a petition, or joining a protest. However, almost no work considers gendered variation in discursive politics. Do women participate in small, face-to-face political discussion groups at the same rate as men? And does gender intersect with other identities—such as ethnicity—to impact attendance at political discussion groups? I use data from the Canadian Election Study 2015 Web Survey to answer these questions. I find that women are significantly less likely to attend small-group discussions than men and that ethnicity intersects with gender in some important ways. However, I find no evidence that other social attributes—poverty or the presence of young children in the home—suppress women's participation in political discussion groups more than men's.

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