Gender-Sensitive Conflict Analysis: A New Training Method for Practitioners

2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 304-317
Author(s):  
Sophia Close ◽  
Hesta Groenewald
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Gender Norms ◽  
Conflict Analysis ◽  
Participatory Process ◽  
Training Method ◽  
International Organisations ◽  
Training Approach ◽  
Practice Based Research ◽  
Gender Groups ◽  
Effects Of Violence

The authors have co-designed and co-facilitated an innovative training method and approach to gender-sensitive conflict analysis. International organisations rarely undertake gendered conflict analysis as it is perceived to be difficult, with unclear or inconvenient actions identified. Yet the authors’ practice-based research shows it is essential to understanding and transforming the gendered root causes, discriminatory gender norms, and differentiated effects of violence and conflict. In this article, the authors share the lessons from workshops they conducted across multiple conflict-affected contexts. They detail the participatory process undertaken involving diverse gender groups from civil society and policymakers working in conflict-affected contexts and provide data on the effectiveness and sustainability of this innovative training approach.

International Governance in Post-Conflict Situations

2001 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 495-529 ◽  
Author(s):  
Outi Korhonen
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
International Governance ◽  
International Organisations ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Conflict Situations ◽  
Systematic Scheme ◽  
Institutional Structures ◽  
Democratic Elections

International organisations have recently assumed a more intrusive role in settling conflicts in all continents. At the same time, post-conflict or post-settlement tasks seem to be emerging as an important function, encompassing the conduct of democratic elections, the guarantee of security, development of civil society, etc. In order to operationalise such wide-ranging and deeply intrusive social aims it is not sufficient to have peace-keepers or elections monitoring missions sent into the conflict-torn territories. Concentrated and centrally planned efforts of international governance are needed. In the present day, however, there is no such systematic scheme to which to refer. Yet institutional structures are needed to administer the extensive tasks and functions assigned in certain post-conflict situations. Therefore many questions of legitimacy and fundamental accountability arise.

Pro-gender Norms in Norwegian Peace Engagement: Balancing Experiences, Values, and Interests

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-198
Author(s):  
Inger Skjelsbæk ◽  
Torunn Lise Tryggestad
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Gender Equality ◽  
Gender Norms ◽  
The State ◽  
Development Cooperation ◽  
Gender Mainstreaming ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
Self Image

Abstract The national self-image of Norway is as a gender-equal and peace-promoting nation. Norwegian gender equality policies grew out of a strong social and political civil society engagement from below combined with equal rights laws as well as quota systems implemented from above by the state. In this paper, we explore the intersection of pro-gender norms and peace engagement in Norwegian foreign policy. While gender mainstreaming has been on the agenda of Norwegian development cooperation for decades, the introduction of pro-gender norms in peace engagement is a more recent phenomenon. How are gender equality norms and concerns understood and promoted by Norwegian peace facilitators in practice. And how are pro-gender experiences, values, and norms balanced in Norwegian peace engagement?

Enduring Peace: a Case Study of the Opportunities and the Challenges for Engaging in Myanmar’s Peace Process

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-136
Author(s):  
José María Arraiza ◽  
Sara E. Davies
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Peace Process ◽  
Access To Information ◽  
Personal Safety ◽  
International Organisations ◽  
Implementation Gap ◽  
Civil Society Organisations ◽  
Information And Communication ◽  
Specific Barriers

In 2015, the Myanmar Government, the Myanmar Tatmadaw (military) and eight ethnic armed organisations (eaos) signed the 2015 National Ceasefire Agreement (nca). In 2019, this agreement was signed by three more eaos, and there have been four annual conferences (Union Peace Panglong Conference 2016, 2017, 2018, 2019). The ceasefire arrangements, which are present primarily in Southeast Myanmar, have failed to make significant progress in key areas such as the provision of access to civil documents and land to returning refugees, displaced persons and conflict-affected communities. Violence has escalated in the last two years. It is not an exaggeration to say that Myanmar is at a critical juncture of transition. This article examines how the peace process is being communicated amongst different civil society organisations, international organisations, donor organisations, and government representatives in an area directly affected by the peace process. The article details the experiences of these participants exchanged in workshop in Mon State in July 2018. The exchanges during the workshop reveal a practical obstacles faced by civil society organisations, especially, in their attempt to support returnees. Many reported frustration with the implementation gap between promoting a peace process and providing for local enabling conditions that support peace. Specific barriers faced by civil society organisations, and in turn the communities they are seeking to help were threefold: information and communication barriers concerning the peace process; women’s fear and reluctance to seek services due to personal safety concerns, and the persistence of traditional gender norms which affects access to information.

scholarly journals International organisations and human rights: What direct authority needs for its legitimation

2017 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 343-366 ◽  
Author(s):  
Monika Heupel ◽  
Gisela Hirschmann ◽  
Michael Zürn
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
World Bank ◽  
Sexual Exploitation ◽  
Institution Building ◽  
Theoretical Expectation ◽  
International Organisations ◽  
Civil Society Organisations ◽  
Middle Powers ◽  
Formal Power

AbstractHuman rights violations by international organisations (IOs) are a possible side effect of their growing authority. Recent examples are the cases of sexual exploitation by UN peacekeepers and violations caused by IMF austerity measures. In response, IOs increasingly develop safeguards to protect human rights from being violated through their policies to regain legitimacy. We argue that this development can be accounted for by a mechanism we call ‘authority-legitimation mechanism’. We test this theoretical expectation against ten case studies on UN and EU sanctions policies, UN and NATO peacekeeping and World Bank and IMF lending. Next, we demonstrate inductively that the authority-legitimation mechanism can evolve through different pathways, depending on which actors get engaged. We label these pathwayslegislative institution-buildingif parliaments in member states put pressure on their governments to campaign for human rights safeguards in IOs,judicial institution-buildingif courts demand human rights safeguards,like-minded institution-buildingif civil society organisations, middle powers and IO bodies with little formal power push for human rights safeguards, oranticipatory institution-buildingif IOs adopt such safeguards from other IOs without having violated human rights themselves. Finally, we argue that which of these pathways are activated and how effective they are depends on specific conditions.

scholarly journals On identity issues as the starting point for normative conflict analysis

2018 ◽  
pp. 77
Author(s):  
Ángel Rodríguez Aurrecoechea
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Conflict Analysis ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
Current Context ◽  
Insight Into ◽  
Basque Conflict

<p>In the current context of globalization, it has become apparent that identity issues are a key aspect leading to conflict. However, I argue that the extent to which identity issues are an underlying cause of conflict is more nuanced and more encompassing than generally acknowledged. Analysing conflict from an identity issues framework can help us shift our focus from the endpoint of conflict to the normative nature of the conflict itself. I will then use this framework of analysis to set out an initiative for the Basque conflict in order to illustrate the efficiency of this approach. I also hope to provide insight into how institutions working on identity issues related to multiculturalism can realize their potential and have a broader impact in civil society.</p><p><strong>Received</strong>: 23 April 2018<br /><strong>Accepted</strong>: 13 October 2018<br /><strong>Published online</strong>: 11 December 2018</p>

Provoking Ordinary People: The Effects of Terrorism on Civilian Violence

2020 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-165
Author(s):  
Jürgen Brandsch ◽  
André Python
Keyword(s):  
Social Conflict ◽  
Violent Behavior ◽  
Conflict Analysis ◽  
Ordinary People ◽  
Perceived Security ◽  
Global Terrorism ◽  
Violence Against Civilians ◽  
Effects Of Violence ◽  
Global Terrorism Database ◽  
Terrorist Violence

Research on the effects of terrorism mostly focuses on the coercive effects of violence on the macrolevel, while other effects like provocation, particularly on the microlevel, do not receive the same attention. In this article, we seek to address previous omissions. We argue that terrorism can provoke ordinary people into a violent reaction. By reducing perceived security and creating a desire for revenge terrorism may lead civilians to attack uninvolved members of the terrorists’ constituency. Using geo-referenced data on terrorism (Global Terrorism Database) and violent riots (Social Conflict Analysis Database), we assess with a matched wake analysis if the treatment of terrorist violence against civilians causes an increase in violent behavior. The results of our analyses show that terrorism significantly increases violent riots. We thus conclude that terrorism can not only provoke governments but also civilians into an overreaction.

The ICC Prosecutor and Positive Complementarity: Strengthening the Rule of Law?

2013 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 507-591 ◽  
Author(s):  
Justine Tillier
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Rule Of Law ◽  
International Criminal Court ◽  
International Criminal ◽  
Criminal Court ◽  
International Organisations ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
International Crimes ◽  
Preliminary Examination

The purpose of this study is to examine the practice of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court with regard to his/her policy of positive complementarity. This policy aims at encouraging domestic jurisdictions to investigate and prosecute perpetrators of core international crimes. In order to achieve this goal, the Prosecutor can act at various stages of the proceedings. First at the preliminary examination phase, where he/she will determine if conditions of admissibility are met, and secondly at the investigation and prosecution phases of the proceedings. This study shows that the ability of the Prosecutor to pursue such a policy is real, but limited, as his/her core mandate, is to bring perpetrators of international crimes before the International Criminal Court. Consequently, the implementation of the policy of positive complementarity must be envisioned in collaboration with other actors working on Rule of Law Programs. In this respect, the Prosecutor must engage in cooperation with international organisations and civil society actors.

scholarly journals Community Development Training with Eco-print Training Wukirsari Village, Sleman District, Indonesia

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 32-36
Author(s):  
Tri Mardiana ◽  
A.Y.N. Warsiki ◽  
Sucahyo Heriningsih
Keyword(s):  
Community Development ◽  
Community Involvement ◽  
Community Empowerment ◽  
Rural Life ◽  
Creative Economy ◽  
Training Method ◽  
Training Approach ◽  
Village Communities ◽  
The Village ◽  
And Training

This community empowerment aims to explore the natural potential of the village of Wukirsari, Sleman Regency, as well as develop the villages creative economy through ecoprint training, as a vehicle for the villages creative economy based on leaf potential. The training method using various references and empowering the community to make ecoprints was followed by 15 mothers who were representatives of the joint business group. The results of this community empowerment produce village potential namely leaves, and training approaches by studying the conditions and rural life of, with, and by village communities. The concept of the ecoprint training approach emphasizes community involvement in all activities. The community is involved in the planners and implementers of the ecoprint training program and not just as an audience in ecoprint making training. The results of the ecoprint training are expected to increase the creative economy that has the potential to be developed by villagers, as a form of participation in building village businesses, and to be able to provide welfare for the residents of their village

Harming Women with Words: The Failure of Australian Law to Prohibit Gendered Hate Speech

2018 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tanya D'Souza ◽  
Laura Griffin ◽  
Nicole Shackleton ◽  
Danielle Walt
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
Hate Speech ◽  
Gender Norms ◽  
Gender Based Violence ◽  
Women And Girls ◽  
Gender Based ◽  
And Gender

In Australia, gendered hate speech against women is so pervasive and insidious that it is a normalised feature of everyday public discourse. It is often aimed at silencing women, and hindering their ability to participate effectively in civil society. As governmental bodies have recognised, sexist and misogynist language perpetuates gender-based violence by contributing to strict gender norms and constructing women as legitimate objects of hostility. Thus, gendered hate speech, like other forms of hate speech, produces a range of harms which ripple out beyond the targeted individual. The harmful nature of vilification is recognised by the various Australian laws which prohibit or address other forms of hate speech. But as we map out in this article, gendered hate speech is glaringly absent from most of this legislation. We argue that by failing to address gendered hate speech, Australian law permits the marginalisation of women and girls, and actively exacerbates their vulnerability to exclusion and gender-based harm.

Who is Responsible in the International Arms Trade? Measuring Human Rights Concerns in Arms Transfers

2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 471-498
Author(s):  
Rodrigo Fracalossi de Moraes
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Ethical Dimension ◽  
International Organisations ◽  
Arms Transfers ◽  
Arms Trade

This paper proposes an index to measure the extent to which governments authorise arms transfers to places in which human rights are violated. Levels of democracy in the purchasing country are used as a proxy for that country’s degree of respect for human rights. The paper then applies this index to test whether Robin Cook’s ‘ethical dimension’ in foreign policy was applied to British arms transfers, and concludes that this was indeed the case, although its legacy did not survive to the end of Tony Blair’s government. This index should be useful for academics, civil society groups, government departments and international organisations working with human rights or arms transfers.

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