Anglicanism as Public Philosophy

2008 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 187-211
Author(s):  
Renta Nishihara

ABSTRACTThe contrast in social life between a messhi bōkō (sacrificing one's personal interest to the public good) and mekkō hōshi(sacrificing the public for the sake of the individual) cannot be settled in terms of a dualism. The Christian Church from its earliest times was without doubt a ‘public’ community. Setting up a hypothesis that the concept of ‘publicness’ presented by public philosophy is actually closely related to the ‘catholicity’ that has been a characteristic of Christianity since the time of the Early Church, the main object of this essay will be to demonstrate, by introducing concrete theological illustrations, that Anglicanism has the potential to be a ‘public philosophy’.

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Art Carden ◽  
Gregory W. Caskey ◽  
Zachary B. Kessler

We explore themes in Nobel Prize–winning economist James M. Buchanan’s work and apply his Ethics and Economic Progress to problems facing individuals and firms. We focus on Buchanan’s analysis of the individual work ethic, his exhortations to “pay the preacher” of the “institutions of moral-ethical communication,” and his notion of law as “public capital.” We highlight several ways people with other-regarding preferences can contribute to social flourishing and some of the ways those who have “affected to trade for the public good” might want to redirect their efforts. We show how Buchanan’s work has considerable implications for business ethics. Just as his economic analysis of politics changed how we understand government, we think his economic analysis of ethics can (and should) change how we understand business.


Author(s):  
Anna Leander

The terms habitus and field are useful heuristic devices for thinking about power relations in international studies. Habitus refers to a person’s taken-for-granted, unreflected—hence largely habitual—way of thinking and acting. The habitus is a “structuring structure” shaping understandings, attitudes, behavior, and the body. It is formed through the accumulated experience of people in different fields. Using fields to study the social world is to acknowledge that social life is highly differentiated. A field can be exceedingly varied in scope and scale. A family, a village, a market, an organization, or a profession may be conceptualized as a field provided it develops its own organizing logic around a stake at stake. Each field is marked by its own taken-for-granted understanding of the world, implicit and explicit rules of behavior, and valuation of what confers power onto someone: that is, what counts as “capital.” The analysis of power through the habitus/field makes it possible to transcend the distinctions between the material and the “ideational” as well as between the individual and the structural. Moreover, working with habitus/field in international studies problematizes the role played by central organizing divides, such as the inside/outside and the public/private; and can uncover politics not primarily structured by these divides. Developing research drawing on habitus/field in international studies will be worthwhile for international studies scholars wishing to raise and answer questions about symbolic power/violence.


2010 ◽  
Vol 2010 ◽  
pp. 1-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hans J. Czap ◽  
Natalia V. Czap ◽  
Esmail Bonakdarian

The purpose of this paper is to investigate the effect of voting and excludability on individual contributions to group projects. We conducted two experiments on excludable and nonexcludable public goods, which provided several important results. First, contrary to our expectations, subjects are generally contributing more to the non-excludable compared to the excludable public good. Second, participating in a vote to choose a public project per se makes no difference in contributions. However, if the project that the individual voted for also gets selected by the group, they contribute significantly more to that project. Third, empathy and locus of control are important driving forces of participation in common projects. Our results have implications on the procedural design of obtaining funding for public projects. First, the public should get involved and have a say in the determination of which project should be realized. Second, it might well pay off to attempt to develop a consensus among the population and obtain near unanimous votes, because in our experiment, subjects discriminate between the project they voted for and the project chosen by the majority. Third, the policy proposers should stress the other-regarding interest of the public good rather than just pecuniary incentives.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 378-396
Author(s):  
Fransiskus Irwan Widjaja ◽  
Harls Evan R. Siahaan ◽  
Nathanael Octavianus

Abstract. The involvement of the church in social life outside the church is something that continues to struggle from time to time; the church, on the one hand, felt compelled to be involved in all aspects of life; on the other, it felt sufficient to focus on the spiritual dimension of life. Meanwhile, participation in the social domain is often articulated with religious mission activities that wish to win souls and increase the number of church members. This article aimed to present a theological reflection framework on hospitality in a Pentecostal perspective, as a spirituality that drives the participatory philosophy of Pentecostals in the public sphere, both socially and politically. The method used is descriptive analysis, with a literature study approach. The result is that the hospitality attitude of the early church in the Acts constructs a Pentecostal reflection of the participation of Pentecostals in the public sphere.Abstrak. Keterlibatan gereja dalam kehidupan sosial di luar gereja merupakan hal yang terus mengalami pergumulan dari waktu ke waktu; gereja di satu sisi merasa harus terlibat dalam seluruh aspek kehidupan, di sisi lain merasa cukup untuk memfokuskan pada dimensi kehidupan rohani. Sementara itu, partisipasi pada domain sosial tidak jarang diartikulasikan dengan kegiatan misi gerejawi yang ingin memenangkan jiwa dan menambahkan jumlah anggota gereja. Artikel ini bertujuan menyajikan sebuah kerangka refleksi teologis tentang hospitalitas dalam perspektif Pentakostal, sebagai spirtualitas yang menggerakkan sikap partisipatif kaum Pentakostal pada ruang publik, baik secara sosial dan politik. Metode yang digunakan adalah analisis deskriptif, dengan pendekatan studi literatur. Hasilnya, sikap hospitalitas jemaat mula-mula pada narasi Kisah Para Rasul mengonstruksi sebuah perenungan Pentakostal mengenai partisipasi kaum Pentakostal pada ruang publik.


Daedalus ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 142 (2) ◽  
pp. 119-138
Author(s):  
Andy Stern

American trade unions are a crucial segment of civil society that enriches our democracy. Union members are stewards of the public good, empowering the individual through collective action and solidarity. While union density has declined, the U.S. labor movement remains a substantial political and economic force. But the relentless attacks by the political right and its corporate allies could lead to an erosion of civic engagement, further economic inequality, and a political imbalance of power that can undermine society. The extreme assault on unions waged by Republicans in Wisconsin, Ohio, Michigan, and at a national level must be countered by a revitalized labor movement and by those who understand that unions are positive civil actors who bring together individuals who alone have little power. Unions need both structural reform and greater boldness; there are moments in which direct action and dramatic militancy can bring about positive social change. The current assault on labor can be rebuffed, and unions can expand their role as stewards for the public good and as defenders of efforts by the 99 percent to reduce inequality and protect democracy.


2021 ◽  
pp. 2057150X2110273
Author(s):  
Alin Li

This article discusses the meaning of public space and the problem of public reconstruction by means of sociological intervention through an experimental study of community formation and courtyard space rearrangement in the old neighborhood of Dashilar in Beijing. In the West, scholars regard public space as part of public life with political or social significance. In the courtyards of Dashilar, however, residents understand public space as important as a shared property of neighboring families that is separate from public life, as they are often acquainted with but alienated from one another. To grasp this different understanding of public space, this article first looks into the historical transformation of property rights in Dashilar. The courtyards in Dashilar have clearly been defined as state-owned urban space since the 1980s but have remained neglected in administration. Therefore, residents gradually encroached upon these courtyards that were owned by the state and divided them for private use. As this act of encroaching was rooted in the relationship between the state and the individual, the courtyards were not merely changed into privatized properties with specific functions, but became places for interactions between various actors. To reveal the complexity of these courtyards as public spaces, we discuss the expansion of private space by individuals in their daily life and the “public disturbances” initiated by temporary coalitions in space construction. This complexity of courtyards as public spaces can be well illustrated by two experiments of space rearrangement conducted in Dashilar. Both experiments introduced strong social interventions into space rearrangement: one attempted to rebuild social life in a courtyard, and the other worked on the public and private boundaries in a courtyard. The former experiment ended in failure while the latter was a success. The results of these two experiments tell us that public reconstruction is not just about rebuilding social interactions between people, but also about adjusting the state–individual relationship and establishing the rules of living together in public space.


2016 ◽  
Vol 75 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-4
Author(s):  
Thomas Adams

ONE way in which governments may exercise political control over their subjects is by removing their status as citizens. Doing so – denying the individual the political and social rights that are constitutive of full membership of their community – involves making a radical choice, and accordingly such a decision must be properly regulated. One of the ways in which UK law does so is by preventing the exercise of the broad statutory power to rescind the citizenship of a UK national because it is “conducive to the public good”, where doing so would render that person stateless (British Nationality Act 1981, s. 40(2), (4)). Individuals may only be stripped of their citizenship under this provision on the condition that they remain full members of another political community.


1951 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 21-25
Author(s):  
William Allen

The Escola Tecnica de Aviacao de Sao Paulo was founded in September, 1943, by executive decree of Getulio Vargas, then President of Brazil. The primary function of the school was to train technicians for service in the Brazilian Air Force which was being greatly expanded to meet wartime demands. However, since the school was primarily for reservists, it was expected that after a graduate had performed his military service, he would be available for employment in Brazil's rapidly expanding civilian air transport industry. The establishment of the school fitted in well with the official Brazilian program of educating the individual for the public good. On this subject, President Vargas said in 1943: "In the period which we are facing, intellectual development without a clear and definite object must be considered a luxury accessible to few individuals and of little value to the community."


2012 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 303-318 ◽  
Author(s):  
Panayota Gounari ◽  
George Grollios

Abstract The case of Greece as the most recent neoliberal experiment can provide valuable insights not only about a generalized attack on the welfare state and the public good, but also about the radical changes in public education that are altering its public mission, vision, and goals. In this paper first we trace the educational landscape in Greece as it emerges both from the reform in primary and secondary education and from the new law 4009 on higher education. The ongoing government discourse on education is shaped and constructed along the lines of a market- driven society and unapologetically espouses the neoliberal dogma that aims to convert education into training, universities into corporations, knowledge into a service or commodity, and students into clients. We further examine the official public discourse as illustrated in government documentation in an attempt to map out the marked shift from the university as a public good to the university as corporate entity, and highlight the particular ways in which this is done. The new educational legislation sets the stage for an education where the individual will thrive through relentless competition, where collectivity is abolished, where only “useful” knowledge counts and where “quality” and “excellence” serve as the excuse for a corporate standardization of the university and the academic life and thought.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Pia Paganelli ◽  
Fabrizio Simon

For Adam Smith a crime is not the result of a rational calculation of loss and gain, but the consequence of envy and a vain desire to parade wealth to attract the approbation of others, combined with a natural systematic bias in overestimating the probability of success. Similarly, Smith does not conceive of legal sanctions as a rational deterrent, but as deriving from the feeling of resentment. While the prevailing approach of the eighteenth century is a rational explanation of crime and a utilitarian use of punishment, Adam Smith instead builds his theory of criminal behavior and legal prosecution consistently on the sentiments. A well-functioning legal system is thus an unintended consequence of our desire to bring justice to the individual person, not the result of a rational calculation to promote the public good, just like a well-functioning economic system is the unintended consequence of our desire to better our own condition, not the result of a rational calculation to promote public good.


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