scholarly journals Response of the Irish Division to ‘Planning for the Future’

1986 ◽  
Vol 10 (6) ◽  
pp. 130-138 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Psychiatric Hospitals ◽  
Community Services ◽  
Psychiatric Services ◽  
Coalition Government ◽  
Family Doctors ◽  
Private Care ◽  
Significant Difference ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Uk

SummaryIn 1981, the Labour Minister for Health in a coalition government, Mrs Eileen Desmond, set up a study group ‘to examine the main components, both institutional and community, of the psychiatric services; to assess the existing services, to clarify their objectives and to draw up planning guidelines for future development of the service with due regard to cost implications; to carry out such studies and to take part in such consultations as are necessary to assist this examination’. The result appeared in December 1984 in the form of a report The Psychiatric Services: Planning for the Future. The text of the response of the Irish Division of the College, reproduced in full here, was sent to the current Minister for Health, Mr Barry Desmond, (also a Labour Minister in a coalition government) in October 1985. Meanwhile, in February 1986, Mr Desmond caused widespread alarm in political circles by the sudden announcement of the closure of two of the 22 psychiatric hospitals in the Republic without prior provision of alternative community services. British readers will detect a close parallel between this Irish report and the series of DHSS reports exemplified by Better Services for the Mentally Ill (HMSO, 1975). Perhaps the only significant difference between these two reports is that sectorisation (a mental health team headed by a psychiatrist and assigned to a ‘sector’ of 25,000 to 30,000 persons) is advocated rather more firmly in Planning for the Future. It is also worth remembering that the Republic of Ireland, in its population size and urban-rural distribution is comparable to the whole of Yorkshire. Half the population lives in Dublin. Elsewhere, psychiatric services must cope with widely scattered rural populations, with a minority only of working adults. There is a large private sector in Irish medicine and 20% of psychiatric admissions are to one or other of five private psychiatric hospitals. Despite these social differences from the UK, several comparative studies have shown a remarkable similarity in declared attitudes and practice amongst Irish compared with British psychiatrists. Finally, the method of remuneration of Irish family doctors differs from the UK: Irish GP's are paid, not on a capitation basis, but on a ‘fee-per-item-of-service’ basis with a majority of the population availing of this service free: patients tend to move from doctor to doctor and many use private health insurance to opt for private care. Psychiatric referral rates from general practice are low as in Britain.

scholarly journals Extradition Between the UK and Ireland After Brexit—Understanding the Past and Present to Prepare for the Future

2020 ◽  
pp. 002201832097753
Author(s):  
Gemma Davies ◽  
Paul Arnell
Keyword(s):  
Transition Period ◽  
Alternative Methods ◽  
Good Friday ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Good Friday Agreement ◽  
The Future ◽  
Close Relationship ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Eu

The Republic of Ireland and the United Kingdom have a long, close and difficult history. The most recent phase of which dates from 1998 and the conclusion of the Good Friday Agreement. Since 1921, however, there has been unique practice between Ireland and the UK as regards the transfer of accused and convicted persons from one to the other. Indeed, there has been a special and close relationship between the two in that regard; albeit one not without difficulties. In recent times EU Justice and Home Affairs measures and the Good Friday Agreement have supplemented and strengthened the relationship. These include, since January 2004, the European Arrest Warrant (EAW). The EAW has been particularly important in streamlining the extradition process between the Ireland and the UK. This phase of history and co-operation is coming to an end. The UK’s membership of the EU has now ceased, and a transition period during which the UK remains part of the EAW will end on 31st December 2020. The extradition relationship between the two is therefore facing a considerable challenge. There are several options open to Ireland, the UK and the EU as a replacement. Time, political will and the interests of third states, however, may well stand in the way of the conclusion of an agreement that optimally serves the interests of all parties and criminal justice. This paper considers the origins of extradition between the UK and Ireland and the alternative methods of extradition open to the UK and Ireland after Brexit. Consideration is given to the likely operation of a Norway-Iceland style agreement and whether such an agreement will be in place by the end of the transition and, if it was, whether its terms are likely to be sufficient for the needs of Ireland and the UK. The possibility of a bilateral arrangement on extradition between Ireland and the UK is also explored. Underlying the discussion is the critical point that the future extradition relationship must retain its ‘special’ characteristics, and therefore maintain the trust and good will that has developed over the years and given rise to an effective extradition relationship between the two countries. In other words, the lessons of history must be remembered.

scholarly journals The Social Union after the Coalition: Devolution, Divergence and Convergence

2016 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 251-268 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARK SIMPSON
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Social Security ◽  
Welfare Reform ◽  
Qualitative Interviews ◽  
Coalition Government ◽  
Reform Agenda ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Future ◽  
Scottish Independence ◽  
The Uk

AbstractIn 2009, the UK government emphasised that it was ‘deeply committed’ to the maintenance of the state's social union, embodied in a single social security system. Five years later, the future of this social union appeared less certain than at any time since the 1920s. Dissatisfaction with the ‘welfare reform’ agenda of the coalition government was a driver of support for Scottish independence in the 2014 referendum campaign. Meanwhile, the Northern Ireland Assembly failed to pass legislation to mirror the Welfare Reform Act 2012, normally a formality due to the convention of parity in social security. Despite Westminster's subsequent extension of the 2012 reforms to the region, divergence in secondary legislation and practice remains likely. This article draws on the findings of qualitative interviews with politicians and civil servants in both regions during a period covering the conclusion of the Smith Commission's work on the future of Scottish devolution and the height of a political impasse over Northern Ireland's Welfare Reform Bill that threatened a constitutional crisis. It considers the extent to which steps towards divergence in the two devolved regions have altered the UK's social union and to which the two processes have influenced one another.

Competence, competency and competencies: performance assessment in organisations

Work Study ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 51 (6) ◽  
pp. 314-319 ◽  
Author(s):  
David R. Moore ◽  
Mei‐I Cheng ◽  
Andrew R.J. Dainty
Keyword(s):  
Functional Analysis ◽  
Performance Assessment ◽  
Superior Performance ◽  
Competence Assessment ◽  
Significant Difference ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Future ◽  
Future Direction ◽  
The Uk

A number of confusions within the area of performance assessment with regard to the use of terminology, and differing interpretations, regarding competence assessment are discussed. A significant difference between the US and UK approaches to performance assessment is identified as being the issue of behaviours. A hierarchy of terms and their specific meanings is proposed as a first step in addressing the identified confusions. A particular aspect of this hierarchy is its relevance to assessment based on behaviours and attitudes rather than simply on the results of functional analysis concerning a particular job. This has implications for the future direction of performance assessment in the UK, particularly with regard to identifying the differences between average and superior performance.

scholarly journals Oxford Handbook of Learning and Intellectual Disability Nursing

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Intellectual Disability ◽  
Intellectual Disabilities ◽  
Community Services ◽  
Physical And Mental Health ◽  
Republic Of Ireland ◽  
Active Involvement ◽  
Authoritative Text ◽  
People With Intellectual Disabilities ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Uk

The Oxford Handbook of Learning and Intellectual Disability Nursing, 2nd edition, has been comprehensively updated throughout and brings together the contributions of leading practitioners and academics from the UK, the Republic of Ireland, and further beyond, in an authoritative text that provides essential facts and information on nurses working with people with intellectual disabilities. A unique aspect to this Oxford Handbook is the continuing attention given to differences in legislation and social policy across the jurisdiction of the constituent countries of the UK, as well as the Republic of Ireland. The landscape for the practice of nursing has never been so complex, and given this complexity of context and practice, the Oxford Handbook of Learning and Intellectual Disability Nursing continues to offer students and newly qualified practitioners alike up-to-date and concise, practical applied knowledge, as well as theoretical information, about working in a person-centred way with people with intellectual disabilities and their families/carers in order to promote their physical and mental health, improve their quality of life and their active involvement in decisions about their care, and support their access to general healthcare and community services. This handbook will be of use in the very many areas where nurses for people with learning/intellectual disabilities are located. It will also be of use to a wider range of other health and/or social care professionals, who often seek an authoritative text that provides essential facts and information on working with people with intellectual disabilities.

PENYELESAIAN SENGKETA PEMILU AKIBAT PENGGELEMBUNGAN SUARA DI KABUPATEN TAPIN

2015 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gusti Muhammad Ihsan Perdana
Keyword(s):  
Time Trial ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Other ◽  
District Court ◽  
Criminal Trials ◽  
Criminal Offense ◽  
Criminal Charge ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Legislative Election

 Legislative election in distric Tapin was spotted with a vote, conducted by members of the Commission, M. Zainnoor Wal Aidi Rahmad win a legislative candidate from the Golkar Party, namely Bambang Herry Purnama the 2014-2019. Elections Honorary Council for General Election Organizer of the Republic of Indonesia as No. 15 / DKPP-PKE-III / 2014 has imposed sanctions on Zainnoor Wal Aidi M. Rahmad form of dismissal remain as a member of the Tapin district Elections Commission since the verdict was read. Rantau’s District Court in its decision No. 135 / Pid-Sus /2014/PN.Rta, Bringing the sanctions in the form of imprisonment for 10 months with the criminal provisions do not need to be run in the future unless is another command in the verdict that convicted before time trial during the 12 (twelve months) ends have been guilty of a criminal offense and a fine of Rp. 10,000,000.00 (ten million). Dismissal sanctions remain to perpetrators as member of the district KPU Tapin have sense of fairness, but the connection with the criminal charge of criminal trials less reflectjustice for his actions that allow offenders not sentenced to imprisonment and the other party can not do the same.Keywords: Elections Tapin distric, Inflation Voice, Sanctions

The Meanings of Life and Value Priorities of the Post-Soviet Society in the Republic of Belarus

2020 ◽  
Vol 63 (10) ◽  
pp. 25-37
Author(s):  
Alexander N. Danilov
Keyword(s):  
Sustainable Development ◽  
Role Model ◽  
Human Life ◽  
Modern Society ◽  
Modern Technology ◽  
Soviet Society ◽  
The World ◽  
Value Priorities ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Republic

The article discusses the meanings of life and value priorities of the post- Soviet society. The author argues that, at present, there are symptoms of a global ideological crisis in the world, that the West does not have its own vision of where and how to move on and has no understanding of the future. Unfortunately, most of the post-Soviet countries do not have such vision as well. In these conditions, there are mistrust, confusion, paradoxical manifestation of human consciousness. The main meanings that determine our life-world are: the desire of citizens for social justice and social security, the desire to figure out and understand the basic values of modern society, how honestly and equally the authorities act toward their fellow citizens, and to what extent they reflect their interests. The meanings of life, which are the answers to the challenges of the time, are embodied in the cultural code of each nation, state. The growth points of new values, which will become the basis for the future sustainable development of a new civilization, have yet to be discovered in the systemic transformative changes of the culture. In this process, the emergence of a new system of values that governs human life is inevitable. However, modern technology brings new troubles to humans. It has provided wide opportunities for informational violence and public consciousness manipulation. Nowadays, the scenario that is implemented in Western consumer societies claims to be the dominant scenario. Meanwhile, today there is no country in the world that is a role model, there is no ideal that others would like to borrow. Most post-Soviet states failed to advance their societies to more decent levels of economic development, to meet the challenges of the modern information age, and to provide the population with new high living standards. Therefore, in conditions of growing confrontation, we should realistically understand the world and be ready to implement changes that will ensure sustainable development of the state and society without losing our national identity.

The IMF, the UK Policy Debate, and Debt and Deficit Discourse

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ben Clift
Keyword(s):  
Adverse Effects ◽  
Coalition Government ◽  
Policy Debate ◽  
Fiscal Consolidation ◽  
Policy Space ◽  
Fiscal Multipliers ◽  
Scientific Image ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Deep Recession ◽  
The Imf

This chapter charts changing character of the economic ideas informing fiscal policymaking in Britain, and Fund responses to them. Drawing on interviews with the Fund’s UK Missions and UK authorities, it shows how, despite the IMF’s prizing of its non-political, scientific image, its differing views of UK policy space and prioritization became the stuff of a contested politics. The central assumption of the coalition government’s construction of fiscal rectitude was that Britain faced a ‘crisis of debt’, yet the IMF did not share this view. Fund work on fiscal multipliers being higher during recessions, and the adverse effects of fiscal consolidation on growth, all had pointed relevance for UK policy. The coalition government saw little potential for activist fiscal policy in support of growth. In 2013 Blanchard accused the UK authorities of ‘playing with fire’ by pursuing excessively harsh austerity which threatened a prolonged and deep recession.

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