Napalm Colonization: Native Peoples in Brazil's Aeronautical Frontiers

2021 ◽  
Vol 101 (3) ◽  
pp. 461-489
Author(s):  
Felipe Fernandes Cruz
Keyword(s):  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
The West ◽  
Primary Mode ◽  
Defensive Reactions ◽  
Lack Of Control ◽  
Mode Of Transportation ◽  
The Government ◽  
Getulio Vargas ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Military

Abstract This article investigates how aviation shaped Brazilian frontier colonization beginning in the 1940s and how Indigenous peoples came to use aviation for their own purposes. Backed by a technocratic ideology, the Getúlio Vargas regime saw aeronautics as a fix for the state's lack of control over the frontiers. Beginning with its March to the West program, the government used aviation to quickly explore and colonize vast territories previously out of its reach. The military radically transformed this method in the 1960s, using napalm and paratroopers to quickly create outposts and settlements. This article introduces the term aeronautical frontier to define unique regions where flying was the primary mode of transportation. While much of the discourse on Indigenous peoples and aviation has focused on defensive reactions to the incoming airplanes, this article shows how Native Brazilians appropriated the technology for their own means, mastering it for their own use in aeronautical frontiers.

scholarly journals DISKRIMINASI BISSU DALAM NOVEL TIBA SEBELUM BERANGKAT: KAJIAN SOSIOLOGI SASTRA (Bissu Discrimination in Novel Tiba Sebelum Berangkat: Sociological Literature Study)

Kandai ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 167
Author(s):  
Saharul Hariyono ◽  
Maman Suryaman
Keyword(s):  
Human Nature ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Cultural Revitalization ◽  
Literature Study ◽  
South Sulawesi ◽  
Sociological Literature ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Descriptive Qualitative

Novel Tiba Sebelum Berangkat adalah sebuah karya fiksi yang tidak tercatat dalam sejarah, tetapi peristiwa-peristiwa yang dialami bissu merupakan konstruksi sejarah periode 1960-an. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengangkat permasalahan mengenai bentuk-bentuk diskriminasi manusia bissu serta resistensi bissu terhadap bentuk diskriminasi yang terjadi. Jenis penelitian yang digunakan adalah deskriptif kualitatif, dengan pendekatan teori sosiologi sastra Ian Watt. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan hal-hal sebagai berikut: Pertama, fenomena diskriminasi dilakukan oleh pemerintah dengan menganggap bissu sebagai kelas gender yang menyalahi kodrat manusia serta dianggap tidak Islami. Kedua, fenomena diskriminasi dilakukan juga oleh masyarakat, sehingga membuat keberadaan bissu tidak lagi dihormati, bahkan dijadikan sasaran lemparan, dan olok-olokan oleh masyarakat Sulawesi Selatan. Ketiga, fenomena diskriminasi dalam bentuk budaya berdatangan secara bersisian dari masyarakat maupun pemerintah setelah berakhirnya huru-hara gerombolan DI/TII. Dari masyarakat sendiri, bissu tidak lagi diposisikan sebagai masyarakat adat. Sementara itu, pemerintah melakukan revitalisasi adat yang menyebabkan bissu dilarang untuk mengadakan upacara karena tidak sesuai dengan nilai dan tradisi. Mereka hanya diperbolehkan sebatas aktivitas seni untuk menarik perhatian para wisatawan. Dari bentuk diskriminasi yang ada, para bissu mencoba melakukan reaksi (resistensi), yang sebenarnya dilakukan untuk bertahan hidup serta mempertahankan kepercayaan mereka kepada dewata.(Novel Tiba Sebelum Berangkat is a fiction work that is not recorded in history, but the events experienced by bissu a historical construction history in the 1960s period. This study aims to raise the issue of bissu human forms discrimination and bissu resistance to the forms of discrimination that occurs. Type research is descriptive qualitative, with the approach the sociology literature study Ian Watt. Results showed: First, the phenomenon of discrimination made by the government about bissu as gender class that violates human nature and considered un-Islamic. Second, the phenomenon of discrimination made by the society, so that makes the existence of bissu no longer respected, even targeted for the throw, and mockery by the society of South Sulawesi. Third, the phenomenon of discrimination in the form of culture came simultaneously both society and government after the end of violence group DI/TII. From society, bissu no longer positioned as indigenous peoples. Meanwhile, the government did cultural revitalization that causes bissu forbidden to hold a ceremony for being incompatible with the values and traditions. They are only allowed to the extent of arts activities to attract tourists. Of the forms of discrimination that exist, the bissu tries to do the reaction (resistance), which does to survive and maintain their belief in dewata.)

scholarly journals Ethnocracy and Post-Ethnocracy in Fiji

2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 115-143
Author(s):  
Sanjay Ramesh
Keyword(s):  
Military Coup ◽  
Military Government ◽  
Ethnic Tensions ◽  
Cyclical Pattern ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Democratic Elections ◽  
The Military ◽  
Alliance Building

Fiji’s history is interspersed with ethnic conflict, military coups, new constitutions and democratic elections. Ethnic tensions started to increase in the 1960s and reached its peak with violent indigenous Fijian ethnic assertion in the form of military coups in 1987. Following the coup, the constitution adopted at independence was abrogated and a constitution that provided indigenous political hegemony was promulgated in 1990. However, by 1993, there were serious and irreparable divisions within the indigenous Fijian community, forcing coup leader Sitiveni Rabuka to spearhead a constitution review. The result of the review was the multiracial 1997 Constitution which failed to resolve deep seated ethnic tensions, resulting in another nationalist coup in 2000 and a mutiny at the military barracks in December of that year. Following the failed mutiny, the Commander of the Republic of the Fiji Military Forces, Voreqe Bainimarama, publicly criticised nationalist policies of the government of Prime Minister Laisenia Qarase, culminating in another military coup in 2006. The new military government started plans to de-ethnise the Fijian state and promulgated a constitution that promoted ethnic equality.Post independence Fiji is characterised by these conflicts over ethnocracy. The ethnic hegemony of indigenous Fijian chiefs is set against inter-ethnic counter hegemony. While democratic politics encourages inter-ethic alliance-building, the ethnic hegemony of the chiefs has been asserted by force. Latterly, the fragmentation of the ethnic hegemony has reconfigured inter-ethnic alliances, and the military has emerged as a vehicle for de-ethnicisation. The article analyses this cyclical pattern of ethnic hegemony and multiethnic counter hegemony as a struggle over (and against) Fijian ethnocracy. 

scholarly journals The internet is leading the world towards forms of totalitarianism: How to fix the problem

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Klaus Solberg Söilen
Keyword(s):  
Personal Data ◽  
Private Life ◽  
Western World ◽  
The Internet ◽  
Credit System ◽  
The West ◽  
Social Credit ◽  
Pull Out ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 1960S

It is difficult to imagine intelligence studies as separate from information technology as we enter thethird decade of the 21st century. The current issue of JISIB bears witness to this integration with a strongfocus on big data applications.Hardly anyone today would or could do without the internet, but the project that started with USgovernment financing in the 1960s, with packet switching, and in the 1970s with ARPANET and sawcommercial light in the 1990s is helping countries turn into totalitarian systems where totalitarianism isdefined by a high degree of control over public and private life.Public life is influenced by hacking, troll factories, fake news/propaganda, and interference inelections. Private life is influenced by massive surveillance. To borrow the title of the book by Zuboff(2019) we now live in “the age of surveillance capitalism”. Business intelligence systems lie at the heartof this transformation, but so do artificial intelligence and robotics. And the trend is global.In the West the suppressors are mostly private monopolies (e.g. Google, Facebook), while in the Eastit is primarily the government that is snooping (e.g. China’s Social Credit System). Face recognition islikely to become as popular in the West as it is in the East. It is also easily forgotten that no city wasbetter surveilled than London, which started to build its CCTV technology in the 1960s. The system isnow being updated with facial recognition, just like the one we are criticizing the Chinese for having.Some forms of surveillance may also lead to great advances in our societies, like access to governmentforms and statements electronically and a non-anonymous Central Bank Digital Currency (CBDC), whichpromises to reduce corruption and tax fraud, and could be used for easy distribution of universal basicincome (UBI) . Fintech promises to be highly disruptive.We are moving into an Orwellian world of surveillance more or less voluntarily, often applauding it.“I have nothing to hide” the young man says, but then he later becomes a minister and starts to worryabout the traces he has left on keyboards. The Five Eyes intelligence alliance, or any other major service,can pull out extensive analyses of behavior and personality on most of us now as we continue to exchangeour personal data for access to searches and social media, but also subscription-based services. MostChinese think that the social credit system is a good thing. This is for much of the same reason: theybelieve it will not be used against them and think that they will do well. We all tend to be overoptimisticabout our abilities and opportunities. It’s not before we fail that the full implications of the system arefelt: lack of access, credit, housing, and no more preferential treatments. The result threatens to worsenthe lack of social mobility and increase the growing conflict between the super-rich and those hundredsof millions who risk slipping from the middle class to being counted among the poor, many of whom livein the Western world.

The 1964 Military Coup in Brazil

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
João Roberto Martins Filho
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Vice President ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Military Forces ◽  
The Government ◽  
Getulio Vargas ◽  
The Military

The coup that took place in Brazil on March 31, 1964 can be understood as a typical Cold War event. Supported by civilians, the action was carried out by the armed forces. Its origins hark back to the failed military revolt, headed by the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB), in November of 1935, stirring up strong anticommunist sentiments. The Estado Novo coup, which occurred two years later, was supported by the army (war) and navy ministers. It marked the beginnings of the dictatorial phase of Getúlio Vargas, who had been in power since 1930. At the end of the Second World War, officers who had taken part in the struggle against Nazism in Italy returned to Brazil and overthrew the dictatorial Vargas regime, who nonetheless returned to power through the 1950 presidential elections. In 1954, under pressure from right-wing military forces, he committed suicide, thereby frustrating existing plans for another coup d’état. The Superior War School (ESG), created in 1949, had become both the birthplace of the ideology of National Security and stage where the French doctrine of guerre révolutionnaire was welcomed. During the 1950s, the military came to be divided into pro-American and nationalist factions. The alliance between the Brazilian Labor Party (PTB) and the centrist Social Democratic Party (PSD), which had elected Vargas earlier, now enabled Juscelino Kubitschek’s victory in the 1955 elections, disappointing the conservatives of the National Democratic Union (UDN) and its military allies. The latter were briefly encouraged when the 1960 presidential election put Jânio Quadros at the head of the executive. In August 1961, when Quadros resigned, his military ministers tried to use force to keep Vice-President João Goulart, Vargas’s political heir at the head of the PTB, from taking office. The coup was frustrated by the resistance of the governor of the state of Rio Grande do Sul. Yet the Goulart administration was marked by instability, in the midst of intense social struggles and by a sharp economic crisis. The outcome of this drama began to take shape in March 1963, when the government took a leftwards turn. A massive demonstration in downtown Rio de Janeiro on March 13 served as an alert, and the March 25 sailors’ revolt as the match in the powder keg. On March 31, military forces carried out the infamous coup. The Goulart administration collapsed. Social movements were left waiting for orders to resist that never came.

scholarly journals Estratégias das Apaes federadas para impactar a educação e assistência dos excepcionais no Brasil: Uma análise histórica entre os anos de 1960 e 1970

2020 ◽  
Vol 28 ◽  
pp. 82
Author(s):  
Giovani Ferreira Bezerra
Keyword(s):  
Special Education ◽  
Federal Government ◽  
General Circulation ◽  
Government Support ◽  
Public Attention ◽  
The Creation ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Military

This text discusses strategies mobilized by Apaean leaders in their work in the field of exceptionality, with a view to obtaining public attention, political power and financial resources from the Brazilian federal government before the creation of the National Center for Special Education (Cenesp), in 1973. Historical and documentary research is used, compiling the data through legislation and documents issued by the government, newspapers of general circulation, edited during the 1960s and 1970s, as well as copies of the periodical Mensagem da Apae from 1963 to 1973. It was evident that the Apaean leaders acted with the power established during the military governments installed after 1964, expanding their network of influences and having some government support. Based on national and international contingencies designed in the early 1970s, the creation of Cenesp established a new dynamic in the field of Special Education, which became officially designated and institutionalized, directed and regulated by the federal government, although private-philanthropic interference in the direction of this educational modality has not ceased.

Monastic reform and the unification of tenth-century England

1982 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 71-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicholas Banton
Keyword(s):  
Tenth Century ◽  
The West ◽  
Monastic Reform ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military ◽  
King Alfred

A single kingdom of England was created in the tenth century. While the military successes of king Alfred and his son king Edward the Elder had established some authority over all the English kingdoms for the West Saxon kings, their claims could be only tentative. Both kings had governed Wessex during the lifetimes of Aethelred and Aethelflaed, the rulers of Mercia, and Athelstan was probably the first West Saxon king to be crowned king of Mercia at his accession. He had been separately acclaimed king of Mercia and of Wessex, and in a contemporary text he is recorded as Rex Angulsaxonum et Mercianorum. The coronation rite used by the early tenth century kings appears to have endowed them with the government of three peoples, the Saxons, the Mercians, and the Northumbrians. A charter of King Eadred at his accession in 946 describes his kingship as a fourfold office representing the Anglo-Saxons, the Northumbrians, the Danes and the Britons.’ Eadwig was separately chosen king in Mercia and in Wessex in 955, and during his reign his brother Edgar ruled Mercia, firstly as regulus, and then as full king.

scholarly journals The Military-Political Alliance and Diplomatic Cooperation of the UPR and the WUPR

2019 ◽  
pp. 78-90
Author(s):  
Ihor Datskiv
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
National Unity ◽  
The West ◽  
Political Union ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Relationship

The article deals with the relationship between the West Ukrainian People’s Republic and the Ukrainian People’s Republic during the Ukrainian revolution of 1917–1921. Within this framework, the military-political union and the interaction in the diplomatic sphere between the UPR and the WUPR are examined. It is noted that the question of the Union of the WUPR with Dnipro Ukraine arose due to the large-scale aggression of Poland in the West and the offensive of the Bolsheviks from the East. However, it was envisaged that the WUPR would be granted broad autonomy with its own army and government. The WUPR received considerable military and material aid from the UPR, which contributed to the war with a much stronger enemy. It is argued that after the union was created, there was a need for harmonization and co-ordination of foreign policy of the states and their foreign affairs agencies. As a result, those institutions acquired all-Ukrainian status. However, this did not affect WUPR missions in the countries that emerged in the territories of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, namely Austria, Hungary, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia. Other diplomatic missions become common for the UPR and the WUPR. The article states that over time certain controversies emerged as for the vision of foreign policy priorities of the WUPR and the UPR. The government and military leadership of the WUPR began to cooperate with the Bolsheviks. One of the reasons is the lack of power of the WUPR armed forces and the Bolshevik sympathy towards them. Besides, the increasing number of Galician and Dnipro Ukraine politicians and diplomats offered Y. Petrushevych to change his foreign policy orientation, distance himself from S. Petliura and be guided solely by his own interests. In turn, S. Petliura forged an agreement on behalf of the UPR on the recognition of Eastern Galicia as part of Poland and the rejection of previous acts of national unity. The article also deals with the process of establishing the military cooperation of the WUPR with the Bolsheviks and the agreements inter se. Keywords: WUPR, UPR, military-political alliance, diplomacy, foreign policy, Bolsheviks.

A note on John Hawkins (1761–1841) and the Hawkins archive

2000 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 261-268
Author(s):  
R. J. CLEEVELY
Keyword(s):  
Major Part ◽  
Reference Lists ◽  
The West ◽  
History Of ◽  
The 1960S

A note dealing with the history of the Hawkins Papers, including the material relating to John Hawkins (1761–1841) presented to the West Sussex Record Office in the 1960s, recently transferred to the Cornwall County Record Office, Truro, in order to be consolidated with the major part of the Hawkins archive held there. Reference lists to the correspondence of Sibthorp-Hawkins, Hawkins-Sibthorp, and Hawkins to his mother mentioned in The Flora Graeca story (Lack, 1999) are provided.

Studying Modern Arabic Literature

2015 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Public Intellectual ◽  
Arabic Literature ◽  
Global Culture ◽  
The West ◽  
Teaching And Research ◽  
The Face ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Modern Arabic

This book is devoted to the life and academic legacy of Mustafa Badawi who transformed the study of modern Arabic literature in the second half of the twentieth century. Prior to the 1960s the study of Arabic literature, both classical and modern, had barely been emancipated from the academic approaches of orientalism. The appointment of Badawi as Oxford University's first lecturer in modern Arabic literature changed the face of this subject as Badawi showed, through his teaching and research, that Arabic literature was making vibrant contributions to global culture and thought. Part biography, part collection of critical essays, this book celebrates Badawi's immense contribution to the field and explores his role as a public intellectual in the Arab world and the west.

Regime Change in Contemporary Turkey

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Necati Polat
Keyword(s):  
Recent Change ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
New Order ◽  
Making Sense ◽  
Turkish Politics ◽  
Subsequent Phase ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
The Military

This book explores the transformation of Turkey’s political regime from 2002 under the AKP rule. Turkey has been through a series of major political shifts historically, roughly from the mid-19th century. The book details the most recent change, locating it in its broader historical setting. Beginning with the AKP rule from late 2002, supported by a wide informal coalition that included liberals, it describes how the ‘former’ Islamists gradually acquired full power between 2007 and 2011. It then chronicles the subsequent phase, looking at politics and rights under the amorphous new order. This highly accessible assessment of the change in question places it in the larger context of political modernisation in the country over the past 150 or so years, covering all of the main issues in contemporary Turkish politics: the religious and secular divide, the Kurds, the military, foreign policy orientation, the state of human rights, the effective concentration of powers in the government and a rule by policy, rather than law, initiated by Erdogan’s increasingly authoritarian populism. The discussion at once situates Turkey in the broader milieu of the Arab Spring, especially in terms of Islamist politics and Muslim piety in the public sphere, with some emphasis on ‘Islamo-nationalism’ (Millî Görüş) as a local Islamist variety. Effortlessly blending history, politics, law, social theory and philosophy in making sense of the change, the book uses the concept of mimesis to show that continuity is a key element in Turkish politics, despite the series of radical breaks that have occurred.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document