The Growth and Marcescence of the “System for Optimal Functioning of the Economy” (SOFE)

2019 ◽  
Vol 51 (S1) ◽  
pp. 155-179
Author(s):  
Richard E. Ericson

This article discusses the perhaps most systematic attempt to develop mathematical methods for use in planning and management of the Soviet economy: the system for optimal functioning of the economy (SOFE). The intellectual ferment of the post-Stalin “thaw,” and increasing difficulties in managing the growing economy, opened the way to new approaches to Soviet economics. Scholars, primarily at a new Academy of Sciences institute for applying mathematics to economic problems—the Central Economic-Mathematical Institute—developed a series of models and policy recommendations in dozens of monographs, articles, and conference reports from 1963 to the mid-1980s. Despite evident support at two CPSU Party Congresses (1966, 1971), SOFE never got traction in the official planning or administrative organs, although some specific mathematical methods and recommendations derived from SOFE were used experimentally, and indeed partially applied in plan implementations. The last act of SOFE came with the incorporation of many of its ideas in the final Soviet reform—Mikhail Gorbachev’s perestroika. I survey the evolution of the SOFE research program and its policy recommendations, arguing that it was inherently incapable of providing viable reform recommendations due not only to the difficulty of that task but also the political opposition to the recommendations derived from that program.

2019 ◽  
pp. 55-68
Author(s):  
V.L. Makarov ◽  
V.G. Grebennikov ◽  
V.E. Dementyev ◽  
E.V. Ustyuzhanina

The debating society “Makarov’s tea party” chaired by the academician V.L. Makarov met on the 18th April 2019 in the Central Economic Mathematical Institute of the Russian Academy of Sciences in order to discuss the interrelationship between ideology and science. The society raised such issues as opposition and interpenetration of science and ideology; ideology and the genetic code of a nation; ideology and manipulation of conscience; numbers and facts as tools of ideological intervention. Here we present the most interesting points of the discussion. The authors of the reports: Makarov Valery, Doctor of Phys.-math., member of the Russian Academy of Sciences; Dementiev Victor, Doctor of Economics, Corr. RAS; Grebennikov Valery, Doctor of Economics; Ustyuzhanina Elena, Doctor of Economics.


Author(s):  
Ol’ga D. Popova ◽  

This article deals with the public attitude toward the economic reforms of 1989–1990, specifically, the citizens’ suggestions on how to improve the country’s economy. The author analyses previously unpublished letters written by Russian citizens and addressed to the country’s leaders (Boris Yeltsin and Mikhail Gorbachev) or sent to Soviet newspapers. To investigate people’s mental attitudes, the article focuses not only on social polling, but also on emotions, feelings, and thoughts shared by the letterwriters. The author of this article maintains that many citizens feared that the country would be swept away by the avalanche of capitalism and were prejudiced against perestroika-induced innovations. Habitual mental attitudes were undermined by the cooperative movement and private entrepreneurship. Various unrealistic and paradoxical suggestions were not infrequently made by the letter-writers who knew very little, if anything, about market economy. The majority of people suggested that command economy with its bureaucratic flavour should be improved. The analysis shows that Russian citizens’ mental attitudes were predominantly shaped by the notion of a bipolar world, as well as by Vladimir Lenin’s teaching about the socialist state and its role in the accounting and control over the Soviet state. The letters demonstrate that Russian citizens hoped to upgrade the Soviet economy through improvements introduced into the system of accounting and control, through harsher regulatory measures imposed on the economic system, as well as through rationing and strictly supervised distribution of goods. Many people believed that socialism was inviolable and that the Soviet economy could be improved by means of administrative reforms.


Public Choice ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Malte Dold ◽  
Tim Krieger

AbstractIn the aftermath of the Eurozone crisis, a battle of ideas emerged over whether ordoliberalism is part of the cause or the solution of economic problems in Europe. While German ordoliberals argued that their policy proposals were largely ignored before, during and after the crisis, critics saw too much ordoliberal influence, especially in form of austerity policies. We argue that neither view is entirely correct. Instead, we observe that the battle of ideas is largely independent of the countries’ actual responses to the Eurozone crisis: pragmatic self-interest on behalf of governments rather than their ideological convictions played a crucial role in political reactions. We explain this dynamic game-theoretically and highlight a number of reasons for the decoupling of the political-pragmatic debate from the ideological-academic discourse. In addition, we argue that ordoliberals themselves contributed to the ideological misuse of their own program: the ordoliberal Freiburg School ceased to be an active research program and instead grew to resemble a tradition which all too often disregarded the international academic discourse, in particular in macroeconomics. As a result, ordoliberal thinking was abused by its proponents and critics alike to emphasize their preconceived Weltanschauung (worldview). We end our paper with some thoughts on how a contemporary ordoliberalism can be constructively used to react to some of the challenges of the ongoing Eurozone crisis.


Author(s):  
Tanzila Muhtarovna Dakasheva ◽  

This article discusses the ways of applying mathematical methods in the study of economic processes. The economic meaning of such a mathematical category as a derivative is considered, its meaning and ways of application in solving economic problems are studied. Several economic models are used as examples.


2010 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-286
Author(s):  
Temur Aytberov ◽  
Shahban Khapizov

AbstractIt is known that the Qajars had their supporters in Dagestan during the Russo-Persian Wars in the early 19th century. This fact is well documented in Persian chronicles and royal decrees (firmāns), as well as in the materials from the Russian archives. However, the number of historical documents originating from the region itself is drastically few. This paper presents three letters in Arabic, without dates, but definitely from the same period, illustrating the political situation of the time in the mountains of Dagestan and the geographical extent of the Qajar influence in the area. The letters were discovered recently in the Archives of the Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography, Dagestan Centre, Russian Academy of Sciences in Makhachkala. The English translation is accompanied by the facsimile reproduction of the original texts, and commentaries.


2021 ◽  
Vol 66 (2) ◽  
pp. 275-290
Author(s):  
Eleonóra Matoušková

In economic science dominate orthodox economics (mainstream economics respectively neoclassical economics). Despite its numerous intellectual failures, orthodox economics continue to prevail in teaching at universities. A certain alternative to orthodox economics is heterodox economics, which consists of three groups of theoretical approaches, represented by the Left-wing heterodoxy and Neo-Austrian school (we include them together in the Old heterodoxy) and the New heterodoxy. The objective of this article is to define the differences between orthodox economics and heterodox economics, to find common features of individual heterodox approaches and identify substantial differences between them and also highlight the relevance of these heterodox approaches from the point of view of the challenges we are facing today. A common characteristic of heterodoxy is the rejection of orthodoxy, especially its research methods. Heterodox economists reject the axiom that individuals are always rational, the concept of ‘homo economicus’, the application of a formal-deductive approach, the use of mathematical methods in cases that are not appropriate for this, and access from a closed system position. Heterodoxy is a very diverse theoretical tradition, and there are differences not only between the Left-wing heterodoxy, Neo-Austrian school and New heterodoxy, but also within these heterodox groups. They differ on specific topics they deal with and proposed solutions to socio-economic problems.


Author(s):  
G. N. Yakovleva ◽  
B. F. Bogatikov ◽  
E. I. Khabarova

The article is devoted to the 100th anniversary of the birth of Nikolay Prokofyevich Fedorenko, a graduate of M.V. Lomonosov MITHT, a participant of the Great Patriotic War, the head of MITHT department for chemical industry economy (1951-1962), since 1953 to 1958 - the deputy director of MITHT for studies. N.P. Fedorenko is Doctor of Economics, professor, academician of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR, member of the presidium of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR, academician-secretary of the Economy department of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR, one of the main founders and the first director of the Central Economics and Mathematics Institute of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR (1963-1985). N.P. Fedorenko was the most talented organizer of the economic science. He made a large contribution to the chemicalization of the national economy, to the application of modern mathematical methods and computing hardware for economic research, to the planning, management and studying of the theoretical and methodological bases of optimum performance of economy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 119-133
Author(s):  
Andrey V. Ivanov ◽  
◽  
Irina V. Fotieva ◽  
Irina A. Gerasimova ◽  
◽  
...  

The article is devoted to the heritage of the Roerich family – Nikolai Konstantinovich, Elena Ivanovna, Yuri Nikolaevich, Svyatoslav Nikolaevich, and its role in the current sit­uation of world crisis, especially for the Eurasian geopolitical space. The authors substan­tiate the thesis that the political and cultural views of the Roerich family matured parallel to the movement of the Eurasians and in a number of aspects specify many their ideas. The authors reveal and explore the relevance and predictability of the key principles held by the Roerich family concerning the perspectives of Russia and the areas of Eurasian co­operation. In the legacy of the Roerich family, the main features of the impending global crisis are described in a visionary way. They saw a way out of the crisis in establishing the primacy of culture over economy, the primacy of the spiritual over the material. The Roerichs warned of the dangers of a barbaric relationship with nature, robotization and decomposition of consciousness. Their warnings about the dangers of a mechanical civilization are confirmed in the work of modern analysts. According to Roerichs, the ideal of cooperation and cooperation should become the basis of relations between peoples. The Roerichs emphasized the special importance of the Russian-Mongolian and Russian-Indian ties forming a geopolitical and spiritual “middle cross” of Eurasia. The commonality of the environmental, cultural and economic problems of the two great mountain regions of the Earth is a solid foundation for future cooperation between scien­tists in the space of Eurasia.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
Author(s):  
José Javier Olivas Osuna ◽  
José Rama

Spain has been one of the hardest hit countries by the COVID-19 pandemic, and this crisis presented a window of opportunity for VOX, as it has for other far right parties, to raise its visibility as opposition force. This paper investigates whether the discourse of VOX has evolved during the pandemic and affected the political dynamics in Spain. This article proposes a new multidimensional strategy to measure the degree of populism in political communications, via quantitative and qualitative content analysis. It dissects the parliamentary speeches of the leader of VOX, Santiago Abascal, in the debates for the approval and extension of the “state of alarm” to fight against COVID-19 between March and June 2020. In order to assess the changes and relative intensity of populist features in Abascal’s parliamentary speeches we compared them with his speech during Pedro Sánchez’s investiture session as the Spanish President of the Government, in January 2020, and VOX’s latest political manifestos—2019 European and Spanish General Elections—, as well as with speeches of the representatives of the five main parties and coalitions during the COVID-19 debates in the Spanish Congress.Our paper shows that populists’ discourses are context-dependent and that their performances are not only shaped by crisis but also constitutive of crisis. The density of populist references in Abascal’s speeches grew steadily during the period analysed. Morality and antagonism overshadowed sovereignty and society as key populist attributes, and the tone of the discourse became increasingly hyperbolic. Moreover, Abascal’s discursive performances had a sort of contagion effect in other parties in the parliamentary sessions studied. People’s Party (Partido Popular–PP) leader Pablo Casado chose to follow VOX and harshly criticized the government, meanwhile the discourses of the speakers of Together We Can (Unidas Podemos–UP) and Catalan Republican Left (Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya–ERC), adopted a demonizing rhetoric against VOX and PP also grounded on a populist logic of articulation. This polarizing dynamic between competing Manichean discourses contributed to reinforce the sense of crisis by adding a political dimension to the already existing health and economic problems.


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