The Generative Politics of Presentism in Post-15M Spain

boundary 2 ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 169-190
Author(s):  
Katryn Evinson

This essay revises post-15M movement political party landscape, emphasizing the intentional yet unusual use of the present within the New Left's organizing grammar. Against sectors of the traditional Left, who see presentism as a product of neoliberalism, I claim that in the post-15M conjuncture, the present constituted a battleground in the struggle for a dignified life. First, I focus on the Catalan left-wing nationalist party CUP's use of anarchist symbols to suggest that references to sabotage were deployed to disrupt parliamentary politics, forcing constant interruption. Second, I analyze Podemos founding member Iñigo Errejón's speech after the party's 2016 national election defeat, where his rhetoric linked the temporality of the present with anti-austerity protestors’ embodied presence. Last, I read the rise of neomunicipalisms as another iteration of presentism, aiming to politicize everyday life. To conclude, I advance that such material practices of “generative presentism” problematize presentism's assumed depoliticizing nature.

2020 ◽  
pp. 135406881989429
Author(s):  
Abdullah Aydogan

Previous studies have contrasted the political party systems in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) with those in more democratic countries, raising three important points: (1) the religious–secular dimension, rather than the economic or social left–right, explains the underlying political party competition; (2) left-wing politics is relatively weaker than right-wing politics; and (3) parties that are traditionally known as rightist take left-leaning positions on numerous issue dimensions, and vice versa. Even though this particular literature on party politics in the MENA has greatly improved our understanding of political dynamics in the region, these studies have either lacked quantitative evidence to support these points or their evidence was limited to single-country cases. This study aims to address this issue by analyzing original expert survey data of the ideological positions of political parties in the MENA region. Results show that in addition to the religious–secular dimension, the economic left–right divide and the pace of political reforms are highly important dimensions. The study also provides numerous examples showing that the policy stances of leftist and rightist parties are significantly reversed when MENA countries are compared with more developed democracies.


Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-207
Author(s):  
Bart Maddens

Voters probably do not take a series of relevant issues into consideration but rather vote on the basis of the few issues that happen to be on their minds at the moment of the decision. Issue salience, i.e. the availability of issue-schema's, is to a certain extent determined by the political communication during the election campaign. A content analysis of the debates during the 1991 campaign shows that the socio-economic issues, the ethnic issue and the immigrant issue were on top of the agenda. A similar analysis of the party political broadcasts and the ads in the national newspapers indicates that the parties tried to focus the campaign on the socio-economie issues (christian-democrats, socialists), the functioning of the political system (socialists, liberals) and to a much lesser extent on the environmental issue (greens) and the communal issue (left-wing and right-wing Flemish nationalists). Only the latter nationalist party attempted to prime the immigrant issue. Survey data show that this issue was exceptionally salient in the electorate, as were the ethnic issue and the political system issue.


2001 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 251-287 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edwin Amenta ◽  
Drew Halfmann

Scholars of the politics of public social policy have engaged in contentious debates over “institutional” and “political” theories. Institutional theories hold that U.S. social policy is inhibited by fragmented political institutions and weak executive state organizations. Political theories hold that the United States lacks a left-wing political party and a strong labor movement to push for social policy. Both theories are thus pessimistic about and cannot account for advances in U.S. social policy.


1989 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 237-254
Author(s):  
Erik Buyst ◽  
Luc Lauwers ◽  
Patrick Uvtterhoeven

This paper deals with the distribution of power among Belgian political parties during the interwar period. In the 1930s Belgium, like most European countries, was confronted with the electoral success of extreme right- and left-wing parties that wanted to change the existing political system into an authoritarian one. Usually, historians draw attention to the rapidly growing share of seats in Parliament held by extreme parties as a sign of their increasing influence on Belgian politics. Among game theorists, however, it is widely accepted that the proportion of seats is a poor proxy for power relations (Schotter, 1979). It is indeed possible that a political party acquiring a higher proportion of seats in Parliament loses its capacity to influence the outcome of a vote, and vice versa.


1924 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 129-139
Author(s):  
Godfrey H. Thomson

Strictly one ought to ask, should we teach more statistics in the senior high school; for already we teach some. All pupils know what an average is, are accustomed to drawing graphs in lessons on rainfall, on imports and exports, on social conditions, and the like. The chief reason why I shall urge that the teaching of statistics should be more conscious and should be more complete is, that an understanding of their interpretation is more and more needed in everyday life, in newspaper reading, in comprehending the appeals of this or that political party. And as a subsidiary reason I might add that statistical ideas form links binding together many other subjects as far apart as biology and physics, insurance, and engineering; and I attach great importance to anything which helps to integrate into one unity the intellectual life of the high school, and to prevent it from becoming so many water-tight compartments.


1982 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 30-31
Author(s):  
George Henderson

Morocco's fragile experiment in democracy has been passing through a very rough patch over the past year. Its leaders have had to steer a tortuous path between the Charybdis of royal absolutism and the Scylla of popular frustration with harsh living conditions and the consequences of the worst drought this century. In June 1981 widespread anger at sudden increases in the price of food staples exploded in violent riots which swept through the economic capital, Casablanca, and which were accompanied by demonstrations in many other cities. This, together with King Hassan's distaste for argumentative politicians, led to extensive arrests amongst the major left-wing political party, the Union socialiste des forces populates (USFP) and the trade union linked to it, the Confederation démocratique de travail (CDT). Long prison sentences followed, and it seemed as if Moroccan democracy was about to slowly suffocate under the weight of bureaucratic repression.


Author(s):  
Мария Андреевна Беликова

В статье рассматриваются произведения немецких художников представителей направления новая вещественность , в которых отражена берлинская жизнь 1920-х годов. Автор анализирует работы, посвященные городской тематике, созданные Г. Гроссом, Р. Шлихтером, К. Хуббухом, О. Диксом, Г. Вундервальдом в период их проживания в столице Веймарской Германии. Будучи в идейной оппозиции с экспрессионизмом как стилем и мировоззрением, вышеупомянутые авторы создали в своих произведениях иной образ Берлина, наполненный не субъективными переживаниями и впечатлениями, а сконструированный из объективных характеристик столичной жизни. В стремлении запротоколировать окружающую действительность художники критически подходили к выбору сюжетов городской жизни, предпочитая преимущественно темы социально-критической направленности. В этой связи на фоне увлечения левыми идеями художников интересовали проблемы классового неравенства, социальной незащищенности, бедности, проституции, которые ярко проявились в берлинской жизни 1920-х годов. Таким образом, художники превратились в своеобразных бытописателей жизни мегаполиса, которым уже стал Берлин в исследуемый период, и запечатлевали в своих работах не только жизнь и виды центральных, наиболее известных и привлекательных районов Берлина, но и его наиболее неприглядные промышленные окраины, в которых жило малоимущее население. The article deals with the works of new objectivity artists, which reflect Berlin urban life of the 1920s. The author analyses the works by G. Grosz, R. Schlichter, K. Hubbuch, O. Dix, G. Wunderwald devoted to urban themes within the period of their residence in the capital of Weimar Germany. Being in ideological opposition to expressionism both as a style and worldview, the above-mentioned authors created in their works a different image of Berlin, filled not with subjective experiences and impressions, but rather constructed from the objective features of the metropolitan life. In their effort to record the surrounding reality, the artists critically approached the choice of urban lifes subjects, preferring mainly themes of social and critical orientation. In this regard, against the backdrop of left-wing ideas, artists were tend to depict the problems of class inequality, social insecurity, poverty, prostitution, which clearly manifested themselves in Berlin life of the 1920s. Thus, artists turned into a kind of painters of everyday life scenes of the metropolis and captured in their works not only the life and views of the central, most famous and attractive Berlin areas, but also its most unsightly industrial suburbs, where the underclass lived. In the course of the analysis, the author reveals the aesthetics intrinsic to the most of the works under consideration the so-called aesthetics of the ugliness.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 137
Author(s):  
Adi Budiman Subiakto ◽  
Nur Kafid

This study aims to find out political strategy used by the Muslim-based political party to exceed the parliamentary threshold (PT) (3.5%) on the national election 2014, with the case study on National Awakening Party (PKB) and National Mandate Party (PAN). Even the survey agency has predicted that those political parties would not be able to reach PT, but the fact showed different. Both of the political parties managed to exceed the specified threshold. Based on the qualitative approach, this study found out that defensive strategy used by PKB, by consolidating and prioritizing the typology of rural voters with ideological approach (nahdliyin), utilizing prominent figures and artist as part of the campaign to achieve success. Meanwhile, by using offensive strategy PAN chose the typology of rural voters, while at the same time also optimizing the typology of urban voters, dialogical and psychological approach, basic societal issues, and the figure of the artist have been successfully gaining the significant voters.Studi ini dilakukan untuk mengungkap strategi politik dari partai politik berbasis massa Islam untuk melampaui angka parliamentary threshold (3.5%) pada Pemilu tahun 2014, dengan studi kasus PKB dan PAN. Meski sebelumnya telah diprediksi oleh lembaga survei bahwa mereka tidak akan mampu mencapai angka tersebut, tapi realitas menunjukkan sebaliknya. Kedua Parpol tersebut justru berhasil melampaui ambang batas yang ditentukan. Dengan pendekatan kualitatif, studi ini menemukan bahwa strategi defensif PKB, dengan mengkonsolidasi dan memprioritaskan tipologi pemilih pedesaan, dengan pendekatan ideologis (nahdliyin), menjadikan tokoh dan figur artis sebagai bagian dari kampanye meraih keberhasilan. Sementara PAN, dengan strategi ofensifnya memilih tipologi pemilih pedesaan dengan tetap mengoptimalkan suara dari tipologi pemilih perkotaan, dengan pendekatan dialogis, psikologis, isu kerakyatan, dan figur artis mampu mendulang perolehan suaranya.


2021 ◽  
pp. 211-216
Author(s):  
Michael Llewellyn-Smith

The August 1910 elections, for a doubled sized revisionary assembly, was the basis for change, provided the leader could resolve differences among the 'new men' and channel new ideas into practical politics. The contest was between the old political world, palaiokommatismos, built around old and powerful families (Theotokis, Rallis, etc) sometimes labelled oligarchy, and new men, independents standing for some version of revival (anorthosis). The old parties won a clear majority of seats, but the independents, new men, with about one third of the seats, had made a compelling entry to parliamentary politics and could not be ignored. They were themselves divided into groups of liberals, socialists, agrarians, republicans etc. They needed someone to bring them together and lead them, i.e. Venizelos, and a structure and organization, i.e. a political party. The aim must be to channel their energy and ideas into practical politics. Venizelos wound up his affairs in Crete and moved to the Athenian stage.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Caroline Slegten ◽  
Bruno Heyndels

The sex gap in politics is widely documented: women tend to support left-wing parties more than men do. Evidence of this observation was recently supplemented by the identification of a within-party sex gap: within parties, female voters and politicians tend to take more left-wing positions. While this research typically limits itself to one policy area or one political party, we provide more broad-based evidence of within-party sex gaps among Flemish local politicians by covering a broad set of policy domains and six political parties. Our focus is on expenditure preferences. Analyzing stated preferences of 1,055 council members, we find that—across parties—female politicians have more leftist preferences than their male colleagues in six out of eight policy domains. Crucially, sex differences also occur within parties. We identify significant within-party sex gaps in four out of eight policy domains. Female representatives express preferences that are more left wing than their male colleagues with respect to public spending on crime, culture, and welfare. For environmental spending, they take a more right-wing position.


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