The August 1910 Elections

2021 ◽  
pp. 211-216
Author(s):  
Michael Llewellyn-Smith
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Political World ◽  
Practical Politics ◽  
New Ideas ◽  
Parliamentary Politics ◽  
Clear Majority

The August 1910 elections, for a doubled sized revisionary assembly, was the basis for change, provided the leader could resolve differences among the 'new men' and channel new ideas into practical politics. The contest was between the old political world, palaiokommatismos, built around old and powerful families (Theotokis, Rallis, etc) sometimes labelled oligarchy, and new men, independents standing for some version of revival (anorthosis). The old parties won a clear majority of seats, but the independents, new men, with about one third of the seats, had made a compelling entry to parliamentary politics and could not be ignored. They were themselves divided into groups of liberals, socialists, agrarians, republicans etc. They needed someone to bring them together and lead them, i.e. Venizelos, and a structure and organization, i.e. a political party. The aim must be to channel their energy and ideas into practical politics. Venizelos wound up his affairs in Crete and moved to the Athenian stage.

Strategizing the Sacred

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Avi Max Spiegel
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Religious Study ◽  
Religious Authority ◽  
New Ideas ◽  
Party Members ◽  
A Site

This chapter suggests that the representations of religion in young Islamists' lives are not the product of prevarication, but rather of personalization. Religious authority has become circulated to such an extent that it has come to mean multiple things to multiple members. In the midst of this diversification, political party members increasingly appropriate the authority to interpret and represent what “Islam” means or should mean to others. None of these myriad representations constitutes “lies.” Instead, these words and constructions represent and reflect members' own strategic desires for themselves. The chapter shows how the haraka represents for some a site for religious study, a place of Qurʾanic learning unfettered by politics. For others, it is a place to make contacts and to get ahead: an instrumental, not ideological, site. For still others, it serves as a strategic site, a place to try out new ideas, and even as a convenient scapegoat. And, yet, for others, it is completely ignored; it simply has no place in their lives as party members.

Political parties and the policy process

2021 ◽  
pp. 187-202
Author(s):  
Maura Adshead ◽  
Diarmuid Scully
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Policy Analysis ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Policy Process ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Modus Operandi ◽  
New Politics ◽  
And Performance ◽  
Clear Majority

This chapter examines the role of political parties in the policy process. The chapter employs a model of the policy process stages to examine how Irish political parties operate in each stage. This constitutes an exploration of the extent to which so-called ‘new politics’ might have impacted on recent political party roles and performance. However, ‘new politics’, governments without a clear majority seeking consensual support for their policies in the Dáil is nothing new, with no single party majority Government since 1977. Programmatic Government has been normalised and consensus-seeking has become the modus operandi for parties. What is new is that long established parties are now joined by an increasing number of smaller parties in the Dáil, raising the potential to shift the balance of power away from the larger parties, with consequences for the style of, and capacity for, policy analysis. However, the chapter shows that this tendency has been less marked than might have been expected.

scholarly journals Muhammadiyah and the Early Statehood Politics of Indonesia

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-11
Author(s):  
Prahasti Suyaman ◽  
Irwan Akib ◽  
Akrim Raihan ◽  
Novelti Novelti
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Growth And Development ◽  
Human Life ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
Modern State ◽  
Literature Study ◽  
Missionary Movement ◽  
The World ◽  
Practical Politics

This article discusses Muhammadiyah and the statehood politics in Indonesia. Through the literature study method, this article reveals that Muhammadiyah is a social organization that grows and develops in tandem with the socio-cultural and political growth and development in Indonesia. In his journey, Muhammadiyah concentrated more on his social work, but he could not be separated from the correlation with power of politics. The consistency of the non-partisan missionary movement does not reduce the interest of Muhammadiyah activists involved in practical politics. Based on his khittah, Muhammadiyah is not a political organization and will not become a political party. However, with the belief that Islam is a religion that regulates all human life in the world, naturally all matters relating to the world become the fields of Muhammadiyah's work, including matters of state politics. This article underlines that religious modernity can be used as input for political development in the modern state.

The Generative Politics of Presentism in Post-15M Spain

boundary 2 ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 169-190
Author(s):  
Katryn Evinson
Keyword(s):  
Everyday Life ◽  
Political Party ◽  
National Election ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Nationalist Party ◽  
Founding Member ◽  
Parliamentary Politics ◽  
Dignified Life ◽  
Embodied Presence

This essay revises post-15M movement political party landscape, emphasizing the intentional yet unusual use of the present within the New Left's organizing grammar. Against sectors of the traditional Left, who see presentism as a product of neoliberalism, I claim that in the post-15M conjuncture, the present constituted a battleground in the struggle for a dignified life. First, I focus on the Catalan left-wing nationalist party CUP's use of anarchist symbols to suggest that references to sabotage were deployed to disrupt parliamentary politics, forcing constant interruption. Second, I analyze Podemos founding member Iñigo Errejón's speech after the party's 2016 national election defeat, where his rhetoric linked the temporality of the present with anti-austerity protestors’ embodied presence. Last, I read the rise of neomunicipalisms as another iteration of presentism, aiming to politicize everyday life. To conclude, I advance that such material practices of “generative presentism” problematize presentism's assumed depoliticizing nature.

A Wider Stage

2021 ◽  
pp. 217-224
Author(s):  
Michael Llewellyn-Smith
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
The Political ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
Political World ◽  
Reform Program ◽  
The People ◽  
Constitutional Changes

Venizelos's arrived in Athens in early September 1910. He addressed the people in a major speech in Constitution Square, making clear that he would work with the King, since 'crowned democracy' best fitted the political culture of the Greek people. He looked to the King to lead the reform program. He announced that he would create a new political party from like-minded people committed to new and liberal ideas. For the rest he condemned the failures of the old political world, over emigration, security, agriculture and industry, indeed across the board, and promised better. The speech quickly acquired mythical status, partly for the forthright way in which he squashed hecklers who cried out for fundamental changes in the constitution (i.e. affecting the prerogatives of the Crown). He defended limited constitutional changes. Foreign affairs hardly featured. This debut was rapidly followed by his appointment as prime minister, following the failure of the old party leaders to pick up the baton, and by his confirmation through new elections which gave him the desired majority in parliament. This was a brilliant start to his political career in Greece.

scholarly journals From Polarization to Hate: Portrait of the Spanish Political Meme

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 205630512110629 ◽  
Author(s):  
María Antonia Paz ◽  
Ana Mayagoitia-Soria ◽  
Juan-Manuel González-Aguilar
Keyword(s):  
Political Communication ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Women Politicians ◽  
Hate Speech ◽  
Political Polarization ◽  
Coalition Government ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Current Affairs ◽  
New Ideas ◽  
Left And Right

Political polarization in Spain has been aggravated by a left-wing coalition government and the rise of the extreme right in the context of health and economic crisis created by COVID-19. This article delves into the collective story that memes offer of this context and aims to establish a categorization that can be used for comparison with other countries. We carried out a content analysis of 636 Spanish political memes published on Twitter throughout 2020. Current affairs were taken into account, as well as the frame, and rhetorical elements, references to popular culture, and symbols. We also took into consideration the objectives of the message and the presence of offensive content. We demonstrate that these memes do not play a subversive role, but rather contribute to the polarization and fragmentation of the digital public, echoing the existing ideological confrontation. They do not deliver new ideas, but only reproduce expressions and disqualifications already existing in the society, although the disinhibition of anonymity magnifies the intensity. Current affairs are an excuse to convey ideological position, and political communication becomes more emotional. There are no significant differences in terms of political polarization between left and right, and criticism toward politicians is mainly of personal and moral nature. Hate speech on other social media appears in these cultural creations, highlighting the misogyny toward women politicians regardless of their political party. The rhetorical and expressive resources are adapted to this confrontation, and there is little innovation because it is subject to the understanding of the message.

scholarly journals Bergerak di Tengah Banalitas Diskriminasi (Studi Mengenai Kader Anak Muda Dalam Menantang Eksklusivisme di Partai Politik Kota Malang)

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 487
Author(s):  
Nanda Harda Pratama Meiji
Keyword(s):  
Young People ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Gender Discrimination ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Qualitative Method ◽  
Minority Group ◽  
The Political ◽  
Young Generation ◽  
Practical Politics ◽  
And Gender

This paper examines about the dynamics of youth in a political party in Malang,  East Java. The proliferation of young people and political parties give us an important picture, especially in the middle of the political situation in Indonesia which is getting negative. Instead of become apathetic, the youth are joined actively in the context of practical politics. A political party that should be an inclusive place for anyone in it (including those of young people) precisely do exclucivity by the others. Some youth who come from minority group especially based on race, class, and gender have experience about discrimination by some people in that party. Using qualitative method with biography approach, there are 3 key informants who will told about their narration related to exclucivity by some people in the political party. Although these youth cadres have experience about  racism, class, or gender discrimination, they still seem to be trying to survive and instead fight with in their own way.  For these youth the tendency of discrimination must be opposed from within the party because they assume that as a young generation have enough capital to change the future of the party for a better way.

The Fabric of Interest in the County: The Buckinghamshire Election of 1784

1972 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 206-218
Author(s):  
Karl von den Steinen
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Government Policies ◽  
Careful Examination ◽  
The Political ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
Political Awareness ◽  
Parliamentary Politics

A careful examination of the conduct of the Verney and Temple interests in the Buckinghamshire election of 1784 reveals that interest, not party, was the major determinant of political conduct in the eighteenth century English county constituency. The freeholder voted in deference to his head of interest, and he did so through an agent's performance of an unwritten but clearly understood code of electioneering conduct. By contrast, the more tangible relationship between tenant and landlord explains little about how individuals voted in the county.The importance of parliamentary politics in the 1784 election cannot be denied. The attempt of William Pitt the Younger to wrest the majority in the House of Commons from the Fox-North coalition occasioned this election three years earlier than a general election would normally have occurred. Yet to assume that party determined the course of the election far exceeds the evidence available at the level of the county constituency. The political awareness and rising interest in issues, described by J. H. Plumb and others, certainly existed in this election. But this tells us very little about the acquistion and exercise of political power, which Plumb rightly identifies as the essence of politics, though a great deal may thus be learned about literacy, public opinion, interests, tastes, and electoral tactics.Three aspects of the problem of party have dominated the studies of the period: the emergence of the modern political party in the sense of a group of electors consistently joined together because of a common devotion to a particular political philosophy; the emergence of the modern political party in the sense of a group of electors consistently joined together because of common attitudes toward government policies; and, the emergence of the modern political party in the sense of a group of electors consistently joined together in a structure suited to the winning of an opportunity to translate its desires and beliefs into government policies through success in elections. The 1784 Buckinghamshire election refutes the importance of party in any of these senses in the county constituency.

scholarly journals NEGOSIASI DAKWAH DAN POLITIK PRAKTIS (MEMBACA ORIENTASI ORGANISASI SAYAP KEAGAMAAN ISLAM PADA PARTAI NASIONALIS)

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Bayu Mitra Adhyatma Kusuma ◽  
Theresia Octastefani
Keyword(s):  
Political Behavior ◽  
Political Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Aspect ◽  
Actual Case ◽  
Political Religion ◽  
Data Analyst ◽  
Practical Politics ◽  
Descriptive Approach ◽  
Interactive Data

Islam is a da’wah religion which disseminate the truth. But on the other hand, Islam is a political religion that is often used as the basis of ideology and struggle in the democratics era that upholds the constitution. Nowadays Muslims have various political channels through Islamic political party. But each Islamic party has different interests although equally portray itself as the da’wah party or Indonesian Muslim political home. In the dynamics, political behavior by using da’wah symbols and labeling was also performed by parties with nationalist genealogy like Partai Demokrasi Indonesia – Perjuangan, Partai Golongan Karya, and Partai Demokrat through the Islamic religious wing organization. One actual case we can make a referral is the DKI Jakarta governor election. That phenomenon is authentic evidence that the negotiation between da’wah and practical politics is happen. To deepen the phenomenon, this study used qualitative types, descriptive approach, and interactive data analyst methods by Miles and Huberman. The research results showed that the da’wah agendas which organized tends to be incidental to adjust with the political constellation that they face and optimized just ahead of key moments in the political calendar like regional head election. It can be concluded that the orientation of Islamic religious wing organization by nationalist political party are more on political da’wah rather than da’wah politics. So that in the negotiations between da’wah and practical politics, the political aspect is more advantaged than the da’wah aspect.

scholarly journals Old Order, New Order, NU Order (Existence of NU Today)

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 210-216
Author(s):  
Afidatul Asmar
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Research Method ◽  
New Order ◽  
Old Order ◽  
Library Research ◽  
The Social ◽  
Practical Politics ◽  
Nahdlatul Ulama

This paper attempts to explain the role and strategy of the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) today, by making a comparison of the existence of the NU from the Old Order (ORLA), then in the New Order (ORBA) which finally according to the author produced the NU Order (ORNU). This research uses the library research method to answer the various ups and downs that lead to the design of the paradigm, methodology, and foundation of NU today. The results showed that the NU experienced ups and downs, becoming the largest Islamic organization during the Old Order. Then it became a political party during the New Order era. Then the final result explained that ORNU which was intended at this time was NU returned to their first goal of forming an NU organization to preach in the social and educational fields, not to engage in practical politics.

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